Unionist Divisions, The Onset Of The Northern Ireland Conflict, And ‘Pressures On O'neill’ Reconsidered

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the Keeper of the Public Records of Northern Ireland, the National Archives, the National Archives of Ireland and Hull University Library for permission to quote from manuscripts in their holding.

Notes

 1. Warner, ‘Putting Pressure on O'Neill’, 13–21.

 2. Warner, ‘Putting Pressure on O'Neill’, 28.

 3. Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), CAB/4/1353, Northern Ireland cabinet meeting, 24 January 1967.

 4. Warner, ‘Putting Pressure on O'Neill’, 28.

 5. Rose, Backbencher's Dilemma, 50.

 6. Walker, History of the Ulster Unionist Party, 164.

 7. The National Archives, London (TNA), HO 291/1022, ‘Murder in Jersey’, note by Soskice, 3 October 1965.

 8. University of Hull Library, Kevin McNamara papers, DMC/59, Bill O'Shaughnessy to Kevin McNamara, 29 January 1966.

 9. McAliskey, Price of my Soul, 57, 95.

10. Callinicos, Revenge of History, 21–40.

11. Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France.

12. Talmon, Political Messianism; Namier, 1848; Schama, Citizens; and most risibly, Roberts, ‘If Lenin had been Assassinated’, 119–33.

13. Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century, 290–93; Thompson, Customs in Common, 262–65.

14. , Appeasement of Terrorism; Crozier, Ulster for Beginners; Compton, ‘Employment Differentials in Northern Ireland’, 362–80.

15. Hewitt, ‘Catholic Grievances, Catholic Nationalism and Violence’, 375–77; Compton, ‘Employment Differentials in Northern Ireland’, 40–76; Wilkinson, Terrorism and the Liberal State, 93–94.

16. Ellison and Smyth, Crowned Harp, 72.

17. O'Brien, Great Melody.

18. O'Brien, Herod; O'Brien, Ancestral Voices.

19. English, Armed Struggle, 93; English, ‘The State of Northern Ireland’, 95–108; Wichert, ‘The Role of Nationalism’, 109–14; Morgan, Labour and Partition.

20. Anderson, Joe Cahill, 152–91.

21. Rolston, ‘Reformism and Sectarianism’, 197–224; O'Hearn, ‘Catholic Grievances, Catholic Nationalism’, 438–45; Farrell, Northern Ireland; McCann, War and an Irish Town.

22. Anderson and Goodman, Dis/agreeing Ireland; O'Dowd et al., Northern Ireland; De Paor, Divided Ulster.

23. Warner, ‘Putting Pressure on O'Neill’, 16.

24. Elliott, Catholics of Ulster, 426.

25. See, for instance, TNA, CAB 129/77, ‘Northern Ireland’, A note by the Secretary to the Cabinet on a meeting at Chequers, 24 May 1974; Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), CENT/1/3/34, minutes on the meeting at Chequers, 24 May 1974; PRONI, OE/1/26, papers on the Civil Emergency Committee, 1974.

26. National Archives of Ireland (Dublin), DT3, 2005/7/652, Faulkner to Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave, January 1974. It is fair to note that the Irish government had also exposed itself politically by committing to the Sunningdale government.

27. Gerry Adams asserted cognately in 2003: ‘While I believe the majority of unionists want to embrace change, it is clear that their political leaders do not want the Good Friday Agreement to be implemented.’ Adams, Hope and History, 386.

28. Gerry Adams asserted cognately in 2003: ‘While I believe the majority of unionists want to embrace change, it is clear that their political leaders do not want the Good Friday Agreement to be implemented.’ Adams, Hope and History, 180–83, 369–71.

29. Goldstone, Revolution and Rebellion, xxiv–xxv, 485–97; Giddens, Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism, 198–203, 244–54; Elias, Civilising Process, 345–46.

30. PRONI, CAB/4/1405, minutes of a cabinet meeting held 8 October 1968.

31. Dixon, Northern Ireland, 47–66; Bew et al. , The State in Northern Ireland, subsequently republished in several editions, including Bew et al. , Northern Ireland; Walker, History of the Ulster Unionist Party, 126–53.

32. Bromley, ‘Sex, Sunday Papers and the “Swinging Sixties”’, 57–80.

33. PRONI, CAB/4/1533, Cabinet meeting, 9 July 1970.

34. PRONI, CAB/4/1608, Cabinet meeting, 10 August 1971.

35. Walker, History of the Ulster Unionist Party; Cash, Identity, Ideology and Conflict, 90; Mulholland, Northern Ireland at the Crossroads; Bew et al., Northern Ireland; Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland, 28–30, 48–50.

36. Bruce, Conservative Protestant Politics, 58–59.

37. Patterson, Class Conflict and Sectarianism, xiii, xviii, 78; Probert, Beyond Orange and Green.

38. Akenson, God's Peoples , 186; Bruce, Conservative Protestant Politics, 52; Elliot, Watchmen in Sion; Livingstone and Wells, Ulster-American Religion , 99, 104–05.

39. Miller, ‘Presbyterianism and “Modernization” in Ulster’, 66–90; Miller, Queen's Rebels. Jennifer Todd's treatment of identification with Ulster (Todd, ‘Two Traditions in Unionist Political Culture’) may be regarded in these respects as a similar analysis.

40. Bruce, ‘Victim Selection in Ethnic Conflict’, 67–69; Cash, Identity, Ideology and Conflict, 155.

41. Wright, Two Lands on One Soil; Cash, Identity, Ideology and Conflict, 119–202.

42. Mulholland, Northern Ireland at the Crossroads, ix.

43. Walker, Intimate Strangers. For an example of a less positive (and rather dubious) analysis of this Scottish influence upon unionism see McKittrick and McVea, Making Sense of the Troubles, 32.

44. Miller, ‘Belfast's First Bomb’, 262–80.

45. Morrow, ‘Suffering for Righteousness’ Sake?', 55–71; Elliot, Watchmen in Sion.

46. McDonald, Trimble, 209–346.

47. Davis, Mirror Hate, 10; Bruce, Conservative Protestant Politics, 58–65; Morrow, ‘The Wrath of God’, 177–78.

48. Dunlop, A Precarious Belonging, 95–101; Bruce, ‘Fundamentalism and Political Violence’, 399; Jordan, Not of this World?; Davidson, Not by Might.

49. Ulster Protestant 30, no. 59 (April 1968): 1.

50. PRONI, D/2890 papers relating to Richard Ferguson, especially D/2890/2/34, Samuel Shaw to Ferguson [June 1969].

51. Many unionists, for instance, are reluctant to face up to the role which loyalist intimidation and paramilitary violence played in initiating and prolonging the Northern Ireland conflict, and prominent politically active unionist Presbyterians are not honest about their own personal past links to paramilitarism or intimidation which helped to polarise Northern Ireland society in a way from which they have at times profited politically.

52. Sinnerton, David Ervine.

53. Walker, History of the Ulster Unionist Party; Mulholland, ‘Why did the Unionists Discriminate?’, 187–206.

54. W. E. Orr and W. H. Fyffe to Craig, 20 September 1923, Belfast, PRONI, CAB/9B/70/1.

55. ‘Editor's Column’, Ulster Protestant 1, no. 1 (March 1934): 1.

56. Warner, ‘Putting Pressure on O'Neill’, 18.

57. PRONI, CAB/9B/13/2, John McClintock to C. Blackmore, 14 July 1934.

58. PRONI, CAB/9B/13/2, G. Harris to Craig, 24 July [1934].

59. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites.

60. PRONI, CAB/9B/13/2, H. L. Glasgow to Dawson Bates, 8 March 1929; J. J. K. Johnstone to Dawson Bates, 6 March 1929; John Glasgow to Craigavon, 23 March [1929?].

61. PRONI, CAB/9B/13/3, John McQueen to Craig, 9 March 1938.

62. PRONI, CAB9J/37/2, J. E. N. Cummings to Brian Faulkner, 5 October 1971.

63. PRONI, D/2890/2/35, Noel E. McCleery to Ferguson, 27 June 1969.

64. Ulster Loyalist, 6 December 1973.

65. Walker, History of the Ulster Unionist Party, 173; Mulholland, Northern Ireland at the Crossroads, 199.

66. PRONI, CAB/4/1347, Minutes of Northern Ireland cabinet meeting held 10 November 1966. The business vote qualified a small number of largely unionist voters to exercise multiple votes through possession of industrial or business premises.

67. PRONI, CAB/4/1347, memorandum by E. W. Jones, entitled ‘Citizens’ Rights—Proposals by Northern Ireland Labour Party', 28 October 1966.

68. PRONI, CAB/4/1353, Northern Ireland cabinet meeting, 24 January 1967.

69. PRONI, CAB/4/1347, memorandum by Jones, 28 October 1966.

70. PRONI, CAB/4A/21/1, ‘Cabinet Committee on infiltration of workers from Eire’, meeting, 5 February 1942.

71. PRONI, CAB/4/218/15A, memorandum by R. Dawson Bates, 26 September 1928.

72. PRONI, CAB/4/1347, minutes of the Northern Ireland cabinet meeting, 10 November 1966.

73. PRONI, CAB/4/1365, Northern Ireland cabinet meeting, 8 June 1967.

74. Warner, ‘Putting Pressure on O'Neill’, 28; Bew et al., Northern Ireland, 19–20; Walker, History of the Ulster Unionist Party, 177–78.

75. Heffer, Nor Shall my Sword, 16–19.

76. TNA (PRO), CJ4/45, ‘Willie’ [Capt. L. P. S. Orr, MP] to ‘Reggie’ [Maudling], 30 November 1970.

77. Bew and Henry Patterson, The British State and the Ulster Crisis, 52–68.

78. PRONI, D/2890/2/36, James A. Gregg to Ferguson, 27 June 1969.

79. TNA, CAB 128/48, Cabinet conclusions from meetings: confidential annex: cabinet meeting, 6 July 1972.

80. Murtagh, The Politics of Territory.

81. Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites; Poole, ‘The Spatial Distribution of Political Violence’, 27–45; Morrissey and Smyth, Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement, 89–177.

82. Stewart, The Ulster Crisis, 58–68; Jalland, Liberals and Ireland; Jackson, Ulster Party.

83. See the discussion in McGarry and O'Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland, 35–44.

84. Kendle, Walter Long, 185–89, 191; Fraser, Partition in Ireland, 20–67; Laffan, Partition of Ireland.

85. TNA, CAB 128/48, Cabinet conclusions from meetings, confidential annex, 3 February 1972.

86. Matthews, ‘Stanley Baldwin's “Irish Question”’, 1027–49.

87. Matthews, Fatal Influence.