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NOTES ON CONTRIBUTOR
Furio Cerutti is Emeritus Professor of Political Philosophy at the University of Florence. His recent publications include Global Challenges for Leviathan: A Political Philosophy of Nuclear Weapons and Global Warming, CitationLanham: Rowman & Littlefield (2007), The Search for a European Identity: Values, Policies and Legitimacy of the European Union (2008, Co-edited with Sonia Lucarelli) and Debating Political Identity and Legitimacy in the European Union, London: Routledge (2011, Co-edited with Sonia Lucarelli and Vivien Schmidt).
Notes
1 On the meanings of legitimacy in International Relations see CitationClark, 2005.
2 This distinction comes closer to, but is not identical to Keohane's pair of normative/sociological legitimacy (CitationKeohane, 2006: 2).
3 Polls are admittedly no complete expression of people's minds, as the sample member answers to a roster of questions defined by the interviewers can only say yes or no, or in the best case assign a score to single issues in order to signal his/her perception of importance. It is wise to relativize the confidence on surveys being a true mirror of people's concerns and also to look at methodological alternatives, from qualitative interviews to focus groups and content analysis; these being absent in our field of interest, I cannot but resort to the available surveys as the only, albeit disputable information.
4 Further discussion would be needed to compare this distinction with that between institutional and substantive legitimacy drawn by Mügge in his article in this issue. More on the notion of legitimacy and its link to identity is in my introductory chapter Why political identity and legitimacy matter in the European Union to CitationCerutti and Lucarelli, 2008.
5 In the sense of CitationCerutti, 2007, Ch. 6 (“Post-modernity is not postmodern”).
6 The thesis of this declining legitimacy is disputed by Schneider et al., 2006, though on a questionable empirical basis.
7 See the Sea Law and the Moon Convention, while the Outer Space Treaty Principles Treaty of 1967 stated in Art. I that outer space shall be “the province of all mankind”.
8 This point is also made by Brunkhorst, 2007: 100.
9 As highlighted in the Introduction, a further element is the ambiguity of legitimate global governance that proceeds with high ideals often but ignores its own role in the legitimisation of potentially questionable social practices.
10 I doubt that the Millennium debate in the General Assembly has substantially changed this situation.
11 My reservations about the conceptual grid made of input and output oriented legitimacy run on a more fundamental track than those expressed by Mügge, see above.
12 I have developed a systematic theory of global challenges in CitationCerutti, 2007.
13 More on the concept of global governance in Pattberg, 2006.
14 This is still the meaning of survival in Inglehart's sociology of changing values and the related World Values Survey (CitationInglehart et al., 2004).