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Articles

The BRI and India’s Grand Strategy

Pages 187-198 | Published online: 03 Jun 2019
 

Abstract

India’s rejection of the BRI for strategic reasons does not mean it is resistant to Chinese investments, which are—to the contrary—both welcome and rapidly increasing. Indian strategy in this respect is in accord with the changing character of the international system, where strategic competition co-exists with economic cooperation as well as competition. In contemporary international politics, structurally driven conflictive behaviour is modified by high levels of strategic and economic interdependence. This incentivises India, like other major powers, to seek optimal gains through economic exchange even as it defends its strategic interests through military means short of war.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1. Rekha Dixit, “BRI Will Change Rules of Engagement, Fears India,” Week, December 27, 2018 at https://www.theweek.in/news/india/2018/12/27/bri-will-change-rules-of-engagement-fears-india.html> (Accessed on February 13, 2019); Ashok K. Kantha, “Why India is Cool towards China’s Belt and Road,” South China Morning Post, June 30, 2017 at <http://www.scmp.com/week-asia/opinion/article/2094167/why-india-cool-towards-chinas-belt-and-road> (Accessed on July 3, 2017); Tanvi Madan, “What India Thinks about China’s One Belt One Road Initiative, But Doesn’t Explicitly Say,” Brookings Institution, March 14, 2016 at <http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/order-from-chaos/posts/2016/03/14-india-china-asia-connectivity-madan#.VugDRJ09VvQ.twitter> (Accessed on March 21, 2016); “Geopolitics in Indian Ocean Region Makes Neo-colonialism a Possibility: Ram Madhav,” Hindustan Times, July 3, 2017 at <https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/geopolitics-in-indian-ocean-region-makes-neo-colonialism-a-possibility-ram-madhav/story-BbwRhuQkYDEhH3dHsK1WMI.html>(Accessed on February 13, 2019).

2. Sushil Aaron, “Why India Needs to Take China’s One Belt One Road Initiative Seriously,” Hindustan Times, March 31, 2017 at https://www.hindustantimes.com/analysis/why-india-needs-to-take-china-s-one-belt-one-road-initiative-seriously/story-OpfzM34MJoEyGLE7z8GkSI.html (accessed on same day); Kanti Bajpai, “Backed in a Corner: By Staying Away from China’s Belt and Road Initiative, India Has Succeeded in Isolating Itself,” Times of India, May 20, 2017 at http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/toi-edit-page/backed-in-a-corner-by-staying-away-from-chinas-belt-and-road-initiative-india-has-succeeded-in-isolating-itself/ (Accessed on same day); Srinath Raghavan, “India Must Involve Itself in the China-Pakistan One Belt, One Road Initiative to Stay in the Game,” Hindustan Times, March 23, 2017 at <https://www.hindustantimes.com/columns/india-must-involve-itself-in-the-china-pakistan-one-belt-one-road-initiative-to-stay-in-the-game/story-uTtxhRzcn8iCnUHsB91haJ.html> (accessed on same day).

3. On the broad strategies of weak and strong states, see Michael Mandelbaum, The Fate of Nations: The Search for National Security in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Cambridge University Press, New York,1988.

4. Sumit Ganguly and Manjeet Pardesi, “Explaining Sixty Years of India’s Foreign Policy,” India Review, 8 (1), January 2009, pp. 11-12.

6. United States, Department of State, World Military Expenditures and Arms Transfers, 1998 at <https://www.state.gov/documents/organization/110701.pdf> (Accessed on June 10, 2018).

7. On Chinese nuclear assistance to Pakistan, see R. Jeffrey Smith and Joby Warrick, “Pakistani Nuclear Scientist’s Accounts Tell of Chinese Proliferation,” Washington Post, November 13, 2009 at <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/11/12/AR2009111211060.html?noredirect=on> (Accessed on June 10, 2018); T. V. Paul. “Chinese-Pakistani Nuclear/Missile Ties and Balance of Power Politics,” Nonproliferation Review 10 (2), 2003, pp. 21-29; Julian Schofield, Strategic Nuclear Sharing, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke and New York, 2014.

8. Sunil Khilnani, Rajiv Kumar, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, Prakash Menon, Nandan Nilekani, Srinath Raghavan, Shyam Saran and Siddharth Varadarajan, Nonalignment 2.0. (Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi, 2012);

M. K. Narayanan, “Non-alignment to Multi-alignment,” The Hindu, January 5, 2016 at http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/indian-diplomacy-nonalignment-to-multialignment/article8065319.ece?homepage=true (Accessed the same day).

9. Satish Kumar, S.D. Pradhan, Kanwal Sibal, Rahul Bedi and Bidisha Ganguly, India’s Strategic Partners: A Comparative Assessment, Foundation for National Security Research, New Delhi, November 2011 at <http://fnsr.org/files/Indias_Strategic.pdf>(Accessed on February 10, 2015); Ian Hall, “Multialignment and Indian Foreign Policy under Narendra Modi,’ Round Table 105 (5), 2016 at <http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2016.1180760> (Accessed on 18 May 18, 2016).

10. Feng Zhongping and Huang Jing, “China’s Strategic Partnership Diplomacy: Engaging with a Changing World,” Working Paper, 8, June 2014, European Strategic Partnerships Observatory, Brussels at http://strategicpartnerships.eu/publications/chinas-strategic-partnership-diplomacy-engaging-with-a-changing-world/, (Accessed on February 10, 2015); Natalie M. Hess, “EU Relations with ‘Emerging’ Strategic Partners: Brazil, India and South Africa,” Focus, 2, 2012 at http://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/publication/eu-relations-with-emerging-strategic-partners-brazil-india-and-south-africa (Accessed on February 10, 2015); Vidya Nadkarni, Strategic Partnerships in Asia: Balancing Without Alliances, Routledge, Abingdon and New York, 2010; Prashant Parameswaran, “Explaining US Strategic Partnerships in the Asia-Pacific Region: Origins, Development and Prospects,” Contemporary Southeast Asia, 36 (2), 2014, pp. 262-89; Thomas S. Wilkins, “‘Alignment,’ Not ‘Alliance’ – the Shifting Paradigm of International Security Cooperation: toward a Conceptual Taxonomy of Alignment,” Review of International Studies, 38 (1), 2012, pp. 53-76.

11. Daniel Twining, “Asia’s New Triple Alliance,” Foreign Policy, February 24, 2015 at <http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/02/24/asias-emerging-triple-alliance-india-china-japan-modi-obama/> (Accessed on July 1, 2015). A strong case for a balancing linkage between the three states vis-à-vis China is made in Satoru Nagao, “Japan, the United States, and India as Key Balancers in Asia,” Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, DC, n.d. [2015] at <http://csis.org/files/publication/150331_Nagao_JapanUSIndia.pdf> (Accessed on September 29, 2015).

12. Dinakar Peri, ‘“India, Japan and U.S. can shape China’s peaceful rise,”’ The Hindu, 22 July 2015 at http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/india-japan-and-us-can-shape-chinas-peaceful-rise/article7449033.ece, (Accessed same day).

13. Kenneth N. Waltz, “Nuclear Myths and Political Realities,” American Political Science Review, 84 (3), September 1990, pp. 731-745.

14. Rajesh Basrur, “Nuclear Deterrence: The Wohlstetter-Blackett Debate Re-visited,” Working Paper No. 271, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Singapore, April 15, 2014 at <https://www.rsis.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/rsis-pubs/WP271.pdf> (Accessed on March 18, 2018).

15. World Bank, Data, n.d. at <https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/TM.VAL.MRCH.CD.WT?view=chart> (Accessed on February 13, 2019).

16. World Bank, Data, n.d. at <https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/BX.KLT.DINV.CD.WD?view=chart> (Accessed on February 13, 2019).

17. Thomas Kenny, “How Much US Debt Does China Own?” Balance, June 12, 2018 at https://www.thebalance.com/how-much-u-s-debt-does-china-own-417016 (Accessed on February 13, 2019).

18. For an insight into this, see Benjamin Miller, When Opponents Cooperate: Great Power Conflict and Cooperation in World Politics, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1995.

19. On hegemons versus challengers, see Robert S. Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1981.

20. T. V. Paul, “Soft Balancing in the Age of U.S. Primacy,” International Security, 30 (1), Summer 2005, pp. 46-71; T. V. Paul, Restraining Great Powers: Soft Balancing from Empires to the Global Era, (Yale University Press, New Haven, 2018.

21. Jyotika Saksena, “Regime Design Matters: The CTBT and India’s Nuclear Dilemma,” Comparative Strategy, 25 (3), July 2006, pp. 209-229.

22. Rajesh Basrur and Sumitha Narayanan Kutty, “Conceptualizing Strategic Partnerships”, in Rajesh Basrur and Sumitha Narayanan Kutty (eds.), India and Japan: Assessing the Strategic Partnership, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2018, pp. 1-12.

23. Caveat: This applies only to powers which are militarily and/or economically interdependent.

24. On the military aspect, see Raimo Vayrynen (ed.), The Waning of Major War: Theories and Debates, Routledge, New York and London, 2006.

25. On “thought styles,” see Barry O’Neill, Honor, Symbols, and War, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, MI, 2002.

26. See Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar’s speech on “India, the United States and China,” IISS-Fullerton Lecture, July 20, 2015, International Institute of Strategic Studies, Singapore at<http://www.iiss.org/en/events/events/archive/2015-f463/july-636f/fullerton-lecture-jaishankar-f64e> (Accessed on January 10, 2016).

27. Walter C. Ladwig III and Anit Mukherjee (eds.), India and the United States, Special Issue, Asia Policy, 14 (1), January 2019; Sumit Ganguly, “India and China: On a Collision Course?” Pacific Affairs, 91(2), June 2018, pp. 231-244; Stephen Blank, “The Geostrategic Implications of the Indo-American Strategic Partnership,” India Review, 6(1), January-March 2007, pp. 1-24.

28. International Monetary Fund, Direction of Trade Statistics, International Monetary Fund, Washington, DC, n.d. [2017] at <http://data.imf.org/regular.aspx?key=61013712> (Accessed on August 17, 2017).

29. S. Arun, “India Seeks More Chinese Investments,” The Hindu, September 9, 2017 at <https://www.thehindu.com/business/Economy/india-seeks-chinese-investments/article19651557.ece> (Accessed on September 10, 2018).

30. Reshma Patil, “More Chinese Companies Investing in India, But Political Thaws [sic], Barriers Remain,” Hindustan Times, April 17, 2017 at <https://www.hindustantimes.com/business-news/more-chinese-companies-investing-in-india-but-political-relations-barriers-remain/story-MABF9zw9hBAFqUy6LasFSP.html> (Accessed on September 10, 2018).

31. Nantoo Banerjee, “China’s Investment in India: Investors Find Doing Business with India Safe and Attractive,” Millennium Post, February 26, 2018 at <http://www.millenniumpost.in/opinion/chinas-investment-in-india-286998> (Accessed on March 24, 2018).

32. Ruchika Chitravanshi, “Led By Chinese, Nearly 600 Companies Line up $85 Billion Investments in India”, The Economic Times, October 16, 2017 at https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/finance/led-by-chinese-nearly-600-companies-line-up-85-billion-investments-in-india/articleshow/61093929.cms (Accessed on March 24, 2018).

33. Ruchika Chitravanshi, Ibid.

34. Jayanta Roy Chowdhury, “Select Restrictions on FDI to Stay,” The Telegraph, March 17, 2017 at <https://www.telegraphindia.com/1170317/jsp/business/story_141047.jsp> (Accessed on September 10, 2018).

35. Thilo Hanemann, “Arrested Development: Chinese FDI in the US in 1H 2018,” Rhodium Group, June 19, 2018 at <https://rhg.com/research/arrested-development-chinese-fdi-in-the-us-in-1h-2018/> (Accessed on September 10, 2018).

36. Byron Chong, “India and the US-China Trade War,” China Brief, 120, July 11-31, 2018 at <https://lkyspp.nus.edu.sg/cag/publications/details/china-india-brief-120#guest> (Accessed on August 3, 2018).

37. This has long been India’s approach to Pakistan as well, but has not been reciprocated by the latter, notably with regard to the offer of Most Favoured Nation status.

38. Kiran Stacey, Simon Mundy and Emily Feng, “India Benefits from AIIB Loans despite China Tensions”, Financial Times, March 18, 2018 at https://www.ft.com/content/da2258f6-2752-11e8-b27e-cc62a39d57a0 (Accessed on February 12, 2018).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Rajesh Basrur

Rajesh Basrur is Visiting Professor in the South Asia Programme at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, and Research Associate with the Contemporary South Asian Studies Programme (CSASP) at the Oxford School of Global and Area Studies, University of Oxford. Views expressed are personal.

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