Use of the infection and treatment method in the control of East Coast fever in Kenya: does gender matter for adoption and impact?

Abstract

East Coast fever (ECF), caused by a protozoon and transmitted by ticks, is the most critical cattle disease in Eastern and Southern Africa. Farmers have used the Infection and Treatment Method (ITM) to control ECF in Kenya since 2012. Yet, the differences in terms of perceptions and benefits accrued between men and women remain unclear. This study sought to understand how men and women perceive ITM effectiveness and to evaluate its impact on their livelihoods. The study included 29 gender-disaggregated focus group discussions with cattle keepers, the transcripts of which were subjected to systematic text analysis. This analysis indicates that women are highlighting the cost of the vaccine and inadequate awareness as the main obstacles to ITM adoption, while men describe the package size of 40 doses as the greatest constraint. Women benefit from increased milk sales resulting from growing herds and shifts to dairy breeds, but their workload increases with more animals to manage. Men benefit from additional cattle sales and extend their involvement in milking and controlling milk sales. The results demonstrate that vaccinating with ITM has the potential to transform the livelihoods of cattle keepers. However, appropriate gender-sensitive strategies should be put in place to enable both men and women to benefit from the vaccine while avoiding increases in women's workload and intra-household gender competition.

Keywords:

• Gender
• infection and treatment method
• East Coast fever
• cattle
• livelihoods
• Kenya

Introduction

Livestock is an important asset for most of the 1.4 billion extremely poor amongst the world’s population, with approximately 70% depending on it as a primary source of livelihood (FAO, 2016). However, livestock diseases are serious impediments to improving their livelihoods through livestock, with East Coast fever (ECF) being of considerable economic significance in large parts of Africa. East Coast fever is a cattle disease caused by the protozoan parasite, Theileria parva, which is transmitted by the brown ear tick, Rhipicephalus appendiculatus (Norval et al., 1992). The disease accounts for the highest number of cattle deaths among most cattle production systems in eastern, central, and southern Africa (Di Giulio et al., 2009; Gachohi et al., 2012; Norval et al., 1992).

On a regional basis, two decades ago, it was estimated that ECF was responsible for annual economic loss of more than USD 300 million (McLeod & Kristjanson, 1999). While more recent estimates are not available, they are expected to be much higher due to larger herd sizes and increased economic value of the animals. The losses are mainly attributed to high mortality rates: the disease kills one animal every thirty seconds (GALVmed, 2015). In addition, high costs of vector control and the expenses of treating infected cattle contribute to the negative impacts. These are expected to escalate as projections estimate that the number of animals at risk of being infected by ECF have increased to more than 28 million (GALVmed, 2015).

Currently, chemical acaricides, treatment of infected cattle using therapeutic drugs (Buparvaquone and Parvaquone), grazing management (burning of tick breeding sites and zero-grazing), and cross-breeding are the primary methods of ECF control (McKeever, 2007; Minjauw & McLeod, 2003; Radley et al., 1975). However, these methods are neither very effective nor sustainable. The consistent use of acaricides is generally too costly for smallholder cattle keepers (Minjauw & McLeod, 2003) and is unsustainable because of the increasing drug resistance in the targeted ticks (Dolan, 1999). Treating sick animals using therapeutic drugs is often ineffective, as the method has to be administered in the early stages of infection (Gachohi et al., 2012). In most cases, calves that recover from the disease remain stunted, and carriers of ECF parasites (Norval et al., 1992). Besides, ECF treatment drugs are also generally too costly for smallholder farmers (GALVmed, 2015).

The Infection and Treatment Method (ITM) (Radley et al., 1975) is an alternative approach for controlling ECF. The ITM technique involves the infection of healthy cattle with live parasites and the simultaneous treatment with a single dose of a long-acting formulation of oxytetracycline, a broad-spectrum antibiotic, to moderate the infection (Nene et al., 2016; Radley et al., 1975). The result is a mild reaction leading to a life-long immunity to similar or related parasites (McKeever, 2007; Radley et al., 1975). Because it is a live vaccine, the ITM dissemination process is more demanding than for many other vaccines. Due to cost implications, the vaccine is packaged in straws containing 40 doses and is stored in liquid nitrogen. Once the vaccine is activated, it must be utilized within 4 hours (Patel et al., 2016, 2019).

The uptake of ITM is anticipated to improve the livelihoods of smallholder cattle keepers by increasing the productivity of their livestock herds and their household income. However, livelihood outcomes may result in increased gender inequality, for instance, through resource redistribution within households. Since the introduction and commercialization of ITM in Kenya in the year 2012, various studies have investigated the impact of ITM on general household well-being, the whole household being the unit of analysis (Homewood et al., 2006; Perry, 2016). Household members (husband and wife) are treated as an entity, presuming they have similar tastes and preferences. Yet, it is commonly observed that women and men may differ in their activities, the assets they control, and the investment strategies they pursue (Chen & Woolley, 2001; Doss, 1996). So far, no study has investigated whether differences exist in terms of perceptions and benefits of ITM between men and women.

Several studies demonstrate that despite the uptake of agricultural technologies being an essential pathway out of poverty in most developing nations, women are shown to lag in uptake and benefit less compared to men (Ragasa et al., 2013; van Eerdewijk & Danielsen, 2015). Causes for the difference in gendered adoption and benefits from agricultural technologies remain unclear, especially for livestock-related technologies. A review of literature, mostly based on crop-related technologies, attributes the adoption/benefit gap to a gendered imbalance in access to productive resources and marketing opportunities, as in most cases men dominate the ownership rights of resources and outputs (Deere & Doss, 2006; Ragasa et al., 2004). Hence, this study speaks to a gap in the literature.

Unexpected outcomes might undermine the uptake of a given agricultural intervention. Studies have shown that the introduction of agricultural interventions might lead to unintended results, such as increasing women’s workload (Doss, 2001; Galie et al., 2017). In some cases, the introduction of agricultural technologies or marketing improvements is even seen to threaten women’s welfare as men may take over control of additional benefits once production processes have become more efficient, and commodities are commercialized (Fischer & Qaim, 2012; Tavenner & Crane, 2018). The results of this study can inform agricultural policies and interventions at the scale-up stage, particularly cattle vaccinations and livestock technologies in general, to achieve the envisioned development objectives. Therefore, this study seeks to answer the following research questions:

1. How do men and women smallholder cattle keepers perceive the effectiveness of ITM in control of ECF in different livestock production systems?

2. What is the effect of adopting ITM on intra-household gender roles in animal management and vector control?

3. Have livelihood indicators increased due to the adoption of ITM for both men and women?

4. If so, who within the household controls the additional benefits from adopting ITM?

Material and methods

Study area

The study was carried out in two study sites in Kenya, with contrasting production systems: mixed crop-livestock production in Uasin Gishu County and transhumant pastoral systems in Kajiado County (Figure 1). The two study sites were selected purposively. Firstly, these two counties were the first ITM project target regions in Kenya since its commercialization. Therefore, smallholder livestock keepers in the study regions had gained some knowledge of ITM and some of them had vaccinated their cattle against ECF. Secondly, there is a high prevalence of ECF in both regions (Gachohi et al., 2012). Farmers in Uasin Gishu County mainly practice dairy farming under zero grazing, while in Kajiado, most smallholders are pastoralists with a few practicing agro-pastoralism.

Figure 1. Location of the study sites (source: created by authors based on GADM v3.6).

Study design and data collection

The study adopted a qualitative approach: a series of gender-disaggregated Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), and direct observations were conducted to collect data from ITM adopters (cattle keepers who had vaccinated their cattle against ECF) and nonadopters. The FGDs allow for intensive probing of issues under study, achieving a more detailed understanding. Apart from collecting the diverse views from the participants, this technique enables further investigation to get a rich understanding of the experiences and beliefs behind these views (Krueger & Casey, 2000; Nyumba et al., 2018). Unlike in-depth interviews, FGDs allow for interactive debates amongst participants, which is especially useful for providing a sense of community norms. Also, participants stimulate each other’s thinking and may offer alternative views on statements made during the discussion. The disaggregation of FGDs by gender provides an opportunity for women to present their views comfortably without fear or intimidation from their husbands, as homogeneity among participants encourages effective social interaction (Nyumba et al., 2018; Wilkinson, 1998).

The FGD participants were cattle keepers (husbands and wives) from the same households, who shared the same herds and engaged in cattle husbandry activities as well as women from female-headed households who were actively involved in cattle husbandry activities, generally under the control of their late husbands’ kinsmen. The FGD participants were selected from ITM adopting villages (areas where ITM awareness was promoted through field trials and use of subsidized campaigns) and nonadopting villages (villages where the vaccine had not been introduced but which could have benefited from spillover effects).

In total, 29 FGDs were conducted within this study; 14 (7 men and 7 women) with ITM adopters, and 10 (5 women and 5 men) with nonadopters in adopting villages. In addition, five FGDs (2 men and 3 women) were conducted in nonadopting villages to trace any spillover effects associated with ITM dissemination. The FGDs’ size ranged from 8 to 12 participants to allow effective interaction (synergy) among participants. According to literature, this FGD size is considered large enough to gain a variety of perspectives while allowing for effective facilitation (Krueger & Casey, 2000; Nyumba et al., 2018).

Community-based facilitators identified by ECF vaccinators, aided in the selection of the study villages and FGD participants. Participants consented voluntarily and signed a consent form, which assured them of confidentiality in terms of their participation and the information they provided. The FGDs were guided by checklists which included questions on ITM perception, gender roles, gender decision making, and current and expected benefits attributed to ITM uptake. All the discussions were conducted in Swahili, commonly spoken by all participants despite not being their mother tongue. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and translated into English with the help of note takers.

Data management and analysis

The NVivo11® software package, a tool for qualitative data analysis, was used for managing the FGD transcripts. Through coding technique, the responses, and comments from the FGDs were thematically organized and analyzed, which involved several stages. First, data from FGDs were clustered by the production system. This approach permitted comparisons of emergent themes from the two study sites. The data were then further grouped based on gender and adoption status. The clustering of the information enabled querying of different themes with the primary aim of teasing out the nuances within or across the data. Finally, the data were subjected to systematic in-depth analysis where verbatim statements from the respondents were outlined.

Results and analysis

Within the following section, the data collected from the FGDs is presented structured by the questions being pursued: the perceptions of ITM are followed by challenges to adoption, changes to gender roles and effects on livelihood indicators, concluding with current benefits to adopters and potential benefits to nonadopters. Within these subsections, the differences, or similarities, between results from women and men FGDs are the main focus.

Perception of adopter men and women on effectiveness of ITM

Men and women agreed on several aspects

A drastic reduction in cattle deaths: The considerable decrease in cattle deaths due to ECF was a recurring notion that emerged in adopter FGDs. Cattle deaths due to ECF were hardly witnessed among vaccinated herds in both production systems. In Bissil, Kajiado, an adopter male claimed: ‘ITM vaccine has helped a lot to control ECF. None of the immunized cattle has died.’ These findings resonate well with those of studies conducted in pastoral and crop-livestock systems in ECF endemic regions where vaccination against ECF lead to a drastic reduction in calf mortality due to ECF (Di Giulio et al., 2009; Homewood et al., 2006; Kivaria et al., 2007).

A reduction in ECF control costs: Most participants in nine adopter FGDs (5 men and 4 women) claimed to have reduced the costs of acaricide use by half; acaricides are still needed to control other tick-borne diseases. This perception was common in both genders and production systems. A male adopter in Ziwa, Uasin Gishu explained: ‘Immunization against ECF is done once in a lifetime of the animal; hence it is something we pay for once, unlike the use of acaricide, which we keep on buying. However, we are forced to keep on spraying once in a while to control other tick-borne diseases.’ Similar findings were reported from Tanzania, where farmers who had immunized their cattle against ECF cut the cost of controlling tick-borne disease by reducing the frequency of acaricides application by 50% and 75% in the case of extensive and zero-grazing systems, respectively (Kivaria et al., 2007).

Though most participants mentioned the reduction in acaricides use as a major benefit, many also indicated that the vaccine was especially useful to those farmers who had vaccinated their whole cattle herd. A male adopter in Kimuka, Kajiado, noted that: ‘Since I have not immunized all my cattle against ECF, I cannot spray the unvaccinated animals weekly and leave the vaccinated ones. I prefer to spray/dip the whole cattle-herd weekly.’ In addition, a lack of knowledge on post-ECF immunization management practices was reported to be another reason for not reducing tick control practices, particularly among women from female-headed households. An adopter widow in Ziwa, Uasin Gishu, told us: ‘I have never been trained on how to manage my cattle after they were vaccinated against ECF. I don’t know if I should reduce the use of acaricides or not.’ These results agree with those of Kivaria et al. (2007), where immunization against ECF had low financial viability among smallholder cattle keepers in Tanzania, mainly due to a lack of post-immunization training.

An increase in cattle milk production: Most participants in 14 adopter FGDs (7 women and 7 men) had a positive perception of the effect of ITM on milk yields. They attributed higher milk yields to better herd health and keeping more animals of improved breeds. The latter transformation was especially evident among the transhumant pastoral livestock systems where livestock keepers are shifting from their indigenous zebu breeds to crossbred cattle. Besides, most of the participants in 2 women adopter FGDs in Kajiado felt that a greater presence of calves during milking, due to reduced calf mortality, contributed to increased milk yields through stimulating the cows’ lactation. A female adopter in Kitengela Kajiado claimed: ‘If the calf of a lactating cow is alive, it stimulates the cow to produce more milk and does not dry out as fast as when the calf is dead.’ Findings from a study conducted in southern Sudan reported a drastic drop in milk production in lactating animals mainly due to the death of calves, as they were needed to induce milk secretion (Marcellino et al., 2011).

On the other hand, there were also significant disparities between the perceptions of men and women regarding cattle market value and improvement in cattle health status

An increase in cattle market value: There were considerable gender differences in the knowledge on changes in cattle prices due to ITM. While adopter men recognized a premium in the market price of vaccinated cattle, adopter women could not confirm this. However, adopter men could not quantify the difference because they argued that this depends on the bargaining power between the two parties involved in the transaction. On this attribute, a male adopter in Kimuka, Kajiado, explained: ‘Although the price of ITM vaccinated cattle seems to be higher than of the unvaccinated ones, the bargaining power of the parties involved matters in price determination.’ They also claimed that the price difference depends on the knowledge level—a better price can be achieved if all parties are aware of the importance of vaccinating against ECF—and on the purpose for which the animal is being sold. Vaccination against ECF had a greater effect on the price of animals sold for rearing compared to those sold for slaughter. The participants’ views are echoed by the following excerpt: ‘Not all the ITM vaccinated cattle fetch a higher market price. Cattle bought for rearing, particularly calves, fetch better prices than grown-up animals bought for slaughter’ (adopter male in Tarakwa, Uasin Gishu).

On the other hand, adopter women from both production systems were reluctant to talk about cattle prices because men dominated cattle sales. In many African settings, women are only allowed to dispose of small stock such as goats, pigs, and poultry (Simiyu & Foeken, 2013; Somé, 2013; Tavenner & Crane, 2018; Yisehak, 2008). In this regard, a female adopter in Bissil, Kajiado, explained: ‘Men own cattle, they are the ones who decide which one to sell, and they determine the price. Culturally, women are not allowed to participate in cattle selling activities.’

Improved health status: There was also a gendered knowledge disparity on animal immunity or treatment responses. Most of the male participants in five adopter-FGDs from both production systems claimed that ECF vaccinated cattle responded faster to animal health treatments in general. An adopter male in Soy, Uasin Gishu, asserted: ‘Unlike the unvaccinated cattle, ECF immunized cattle respond faster to other treatments. This helps us save on the costs incurred due to repeated treatments or loss of the animal through death.’ This was attributed to better health, which translated to a stronger immunity to fight diseases. This was unlike adopter women who were not aware of this benefit. Because men are more involved in cattle treatment (Curry et al., 1996; Galie et al., 2017), they notice changes in an animal’s response to treatment more easily. Besides, women are less informed regarding animal health services compared to men, as most extension service providers tend to target men (GALVmed, 2011).

Challenges in ITM adoption among women and men

Both men and women participants identified several barriers to ITM uptake. The key barriers for both men and women participants were listed and subjected to pairwise ranking to determine their relative importance. Results from this exercise are presented below:

Package size of the vaccine: Most participants in nonadopting men FGDs from both sites considered the need to gather 40 animals for ECF vaccination as a key hindrance. The ITM vaccine is packaged in straws of 40 doses and must be used within 4 hours (Patel et al., 2019). A male adopter in Moiben, Uasin Gishu, claimed: ‘It is challenging to mobilize the required 40 head of cattle for vaccination. Even after merging our animals, some farmers lack the money to pay for the ITM-vaccine.’ In contrast, nonadopter women report this could be done quite easily through co-operation within their self-help groups. A nonadopter female in Turbo, Uasin Gishu, told us: ‘Cattle mobilization is not our primary concern since we can easily achieve the needed 40 head of cattle and pay for the ECF vaccine through our self-help groups.’ Social groups and dairy hubs are shown to be effective in various ways: they facilitated dissemination of ITM vaccine information through farmer-to-farmer networking, mobilization of cattle for ECF vaccination (Jumba, 2019), and support access to agricultural inputs through check-off systems (Tavenner & Crane, 2018).

Cost of the ITM vaccine: Unlike nonadopter and partial adopter men who perceived ITM’s price to be fair compared to the use of acaricides, most nonadopter women termed the ITM vaccine to be very expensive. In the case of women who had vaccinated part of their cattle herds against ECF, they cited the vaccine’s cost as their biggest barrier to deploying the ITM vaccine to all their animals. A nonadopter widow in Moiben, Uasin Gishu, stated: ‘The vaccine’s price should be lowered to enable us to vaccinate our cattle; it is costly for us to pay the required USD 9.64 per head of cattle for ITM vaccination.’ In the pastoral systems, a partial adopter widow in Namanga, Kajiado, claimed: ‘In this village, only well-off farmers who can pay USD 7.71 per head of cattle have managed to vaccinate their animals against ECF. For poor farmers, it is not easy, especially for us “women.”’ Although access to finance has been shown to be a vital contributor to the adoption of the ITM vaccine (Jumba, 2019), women lack collateral they can use to access credit from available financial institutions (Deere & Doss, 2006; Doss, 2001).

Double cost: A few nonadopter men and women in adopting villages claimed ECF vaccination to be a double cost, since the adopters are still applying acaricides to control ticks even after immunization. Hence, they did not see any value in vaccinating with ITM. A nonadopter male in Olooitikoshi, Kajiado, explained: ‘Even those who have vaccinated their cattle against ECF still use acaricides. I do not see the need to incur double costs in control of ECF.’ Although not indicated explicitly, this result may suggest that average adopters are more financially stable than non-adopters, implying that only better off cattle herders are using the ITM vaccine. Similar findings were reported among Maasai pastoralists in Tanzania, where the ITM vaccine was more likely to be adopted by wealthier cattle keepers (Homewood et al., 2006).

Awareness of the ITM vaccine: In nonadopting villages, nonadopting men indicated that they regularly observed cattle with yellow or red ear tags at marketplaces, indicating ITM vaccination. On the other hand, nonadopting women claimed lack of ITM awareness as a key hindrance to the adoption of the ITM vaccine. A widow in Maparasha, Kajiado, declared: ‘It is my first time to hear about the ITM vaccine. If it is brought to us, I am going to try it. Most of our cattle are dying of ECF.’ Women attributed this lack of awareness to their inability to engage with agricultural extension services. Because of patriarchal cultural restrictions and domestic chores their mobility is severely restricted. On the other hand, this gender gap in knowledge may be due to the fact that in most cases extension agents are male, who because of cultural restrictions hardly interact with women (GALVmed, 2011).

Poor infrastructure: Both nonadopter and partial adopter men and women in Kajiado county cited poor infrastructure, especially roads, as a major barrier to the adoption of ITM. Many roads are often impassable, especially during rainy seasons. Yet this is the best time to vaccinate as cattle are kept within the homestead, and ECF infection rates are particularly high. In a study on the adoption of a vaccine against Peste des Petits Ruminants (PPR) in Uganda poor road conditions during rainy seasons were also considered to be a major barrier to effective distribution (Acosta et al., 2019).

Changes in gender roles and relations in cattle management and vector control due to ITM adoption

Tables 1 and 2 present results on cattle management activities carried out by both adopter and nonadopter men and women in Kajiado and Uasin Gishu counties, respectively. Results show some differences in cattle management and vector control activities between adopting/nonadopting men and women in the two production systems. However, there were no differences between nonadopters in adopting and nonadopting villages. In Kajiado county, cattle milking, milk marketing, and control over its proceeds were determined as exclusively women’s activities among nonadopters. However, in adopting households, men were found to be also engaging in milk-related activities. In more than half of the adopter FGDs conducted in Kajiado, men reported to assist women in milking and selling fresh milk in the nearby local markets. In addition, they support milk marketing through transportation of surplus fresh milk to nearby peri-urban centers, where it was reported to fetch better prices.

Table 1. Cattle management activities done by men and women in adopting and non-adopting households in Kajiado County.

Activity	Men adopters	Men nonadopters	Women adopters	Women nonadopters
Construction of cattle pens	x (1)		x (6)	x (7)
Counting cattle in the morning and evening			x (6)	x (7)
Grazing	x (6)	x (7)
Harvesting fodder	x (2)		x (6)	x (7)
Fetching water for vector control			x (6)	x (7)
Cattle watering			x (6)	x (7)
Spraying/dipping cattle	x (6)	x (7)	x (6)	x (7)
Managing livestock disease: traditional treatment and disease identification	x (6)	x (7)
Taking care of sick, injured, and pregnant cattle	x (1)		x (6)	x (7)
Cleaning cattle sheds			x (6)	x (7)
Milking cattle	x (3)		x (6)	x (7)
Traditional milk value addition			x (6)	x (7)
Selling morning milk /milk products	x (4)		x (6)	x (7)
Selling evening milk/milk products	x (4)		x (6)	x (7)
Selling cattle	x (6)	x (7)

Figures in parenthesis indicates the number of men and women FGDs that cited the activity was done by particular gender.

Table 2. Cattle management activities done by men and women in adopting and non-adopting households in Uasin-Gishu County.

Activities	Men adopters	Men nonadopters	Women adopters	Women nonadopters
Construction of cattle pens	x (8)	x (8)
Grazing	x (8)	x (8)
Harvesting fodder			x (8)	x (8)
Fetching water for vector control			x (8)	x (8)
Cattle watering			x (8)	x (8)
Spraying/dipping cattle	x (8)	x (8)	x (8)	x (8)
Managing livestock disease: traditional treatment and disease identification	x (8)	x (8)	x (3)
Taking care of sick, injured, and pregnant cattle			x (8)	x (8)
Cleaning of cattle sheds			x (8)	x (8)
Milking cattle	x (5)		x (8)	x (8)
Traditional processing of milk			x (8)	x (8)
Selling morning milk	x (8)	x (8)	x (8)	x (8)
Selling evening milk	x (5)		x (8)	x (8)
Selling cattle/slaughter of the cattle	x (8)	x (8)

Figures in parenthesis indicates the number of men and women FGDs that cited the activity was done by particular gender.

In Uasin Gishu, adopter men were even taking over full control of fresh milk proceeds. Most of the participants (in adopter and nonadopter men and women FGDs) cited that morning milk was sold jointly, but men dominated over its proceeds. However, while evening milk sales and control over its proceeds was a woman-only activity among nonadopters, it was a joint activity among adopters. In both production systems, cattle grazing and traditional treatment of sick cattle are exclusively men’s activities, as mentioned by all adopter and nonadopter men and women. Only on rare occasions did women engage in these activities. An adopter woman in Ziwa, Uasin Gishu, stated: ‘Although grazing and traditional treatment of sick cattle are done by men in this community, I usually do it when my husband is away.’

Regardless of adoption status, cleaning of the cattle shed, fetching water for the cattle, taking care of sick/pregnant animals and calves, harvesting fodder, and traditional milk value addition were claimed to be exclusively women’s activities in both production systems. Tick control activities, such as cattle spraying or dipping, were reported to be a joint activity in both production systems. However, women provided most of the labor: they fetched water and engaged in the actual spraying, while men helped with mixing and applying the acaricides. On the other hand, men in both production systems dominate control over cattle sales. Most participants in men and women FGDs from both production systems claimed that cattle belonged to men, and it was culturally unacceptable, even a taboo, for a woman to sell them. Similar results were reported in a study that aimed to understand the gendered effect of commercialization of the dairy sector in Western Kenya; men and women considered selling cattle and control over its proceeds as a man’s responsibility (Tavenner & Crane, 2018).

Current impact of ITM adoption on livelihood indicators

Some of the adopter women noted an increase in their income due to increased milk sales. In the dairy system, cows are commonly milked twice a day. Morning milk is mainly sold to cooperatives and milk cooling plants where the money is credited to farmers’ bank accounts (Curry et al., 1996; Tavenner et al., 2018; Tavenner & Crane, 2018), which are mainly under the control of men. In contrast, evening milk was primarily used for domestic consumption and any income from selling surplus milk is controlled by women. These results agree with those of Tavenner and Crane (2018), where it was reported that evening milk is mainly sold in informal markets, and that the resulting income is mainly controlled by a female spouse. Considering that ITM adoption generally results in larger cattle herds and healthier cows, milk yields increase for both the first milking (morning milk) and the second milking (evening milk). However, an increase in women’s income from milk sales was only reported by households where ITM-adopter women had full control over evening milk sales. In the case of the pastoral systems, the presence of calves during milking and keeping improved cattle breeds also contributed to an increase in milk yields and milk sales. However, only a few women benefit from the increase in milk sales, since in most adopter households it was reported that the income was shared between men and women.

Besides, less time spent on ECF vector control enabled women to engage more in other farming and marketing activities. Most participants in seven adopter women FGDs claimed to have started small businesses, for instance, operating restaurants or grocery shops using savings from their milk income. Adopting women also used the additional income to buy food and clothes for their families, to educate their children, and to pay for medical bills. A female participant in Kimuka, Kajiado, asserted: ‘Increased cattle income due to ITM adoption has enabled me to pay for my medical bills with minimal financial dependence on my husband.’ Similar results were reported for the CBBP vaccine (Waithanji et al., 2019): adoption of the CBBP vaccine increased women’s income, hence allowing them to become financially stable. The participants in women adopter FGDs also claimed to engage in women’s savings groups where they saved part of their income from milk and other small businesses. This enabled them to access credit services when in need.

In regard to negative effects of ITM, many adopter women in both production systems voiced their fear over a continuous increase in herd size. They reported that their husbands had taken advantage of larger herds to make dowry payments for additional wives, resulting in unequal sharing of scarce family resources. A female adopter in Bissil, Kajiado, claimed: ‘The number of marriages in this community has increased, and most men have taken advantage of their growing cattle herds to pay dowries for second and even third wives.’ They also claimed that larger herds had led to an increase in their workload. Besides, women’s financial independence due to increased milk sales made their husbands envious, causing increased tensions within households. A female adopter in Bissil, Kajiado, claimed: ‘Our husbands fear losing authority in our families as we women become financially independent.’

Most adopter men claimed to have invested in child education and agricultural assets using the increased income from cattle and morning-milk sales. The participants from both production systems also claimed to have acquired land, cross-bred cattle and improved their houses and paddocks. Besides, in Kajiado, more dairy cows are being kept due to ITM adoption, while in Uasin Gishu, men have invested in vehicles and motorbikes for transporting morning milk to milk cooling plants or dairy hubs.

Unlike adopter women, most adopter men took pride in their increased cattle herds, which enabled them to make dowry payments. Most participants in adopter men FGDs in Kajiado County attributed the increase in their social status in their community to larger herds of cattle. They claimed that this earned them respect from their wives and other community members. A male adopter in Kimuka, Kajiado, declared: ‘An increase in cattle wealth provides an opportunity to marry and take care of more than one wife. You are highly respected by your wives when you have a larger cattle herd.’

However, in Kajiado, most adopter men also mentioned that growing herds have resulted in disputes over pasture access, especially during dry seasons. This aspect has led to encroachment on nearby private land and protected areas such as national parks. One male adopter in Namanga, Kajiado, claimed: ‘During the dry season, we usually have problems feeding our cattle, so when each member in this community manages to have a larger cattle herd, it will cause a lot of problems when it comes to feeding them.’

Anticipated impact of ITM among nonadopters

A hypothetical question on the impact of ITM was posed to nonadopters to elicit their views on the expected benefits if they had the chance to vaccinate their cattle against ECF. In both production systems, most participants in nonadopter men FGDs expected that greater participation in cattle markets would enable them to accumulate enough money to educate their children, build better houses, start businesses and expand their landholdings. On the other hand, most participants in non-adopter women FGDs expected that increased milk availability would allow them to better meet their daily family consumption needs and gain additional income from surplus milk sales. Women anticipated to channel the increased milk proceeds to child education, to purchases of food and clothes, as well as to medical bills.

Discussion

In-depth analysis shows that although ITM uptake has increased disposable income for both men and women, sharing the additional benefits is gendered and unequal. The adoption of ITM has led to some intra-household gender dynamics that have adversely affected women. Workload and control over income are critical indicators of gender equity in the livestock sector (Galiè et al., 2019). Considering that women are the primary caregivers of cattle as demonstrated in this study and other studies conducted in sub-Saharan Africa (Galie et al., 2017; GALVmed, 2011; Yisehak, 2008), an increase in herd size due to a reduction in cattle mortality among ITM adopters has increased women’s workload. This might erode gains made by reducing the labor requirement on vector control activities, resulting in less time for leisure or other economic activities for women.

While the engagement of men into cattle management activities, initially under women’s domain, seems to benefit women as it reduces their labor demand, it has resulted in men taking over women’s income-generating activities (milk proceeds). Men have been reported to join farming tasks under women’s domain to avoid conflict and resistance from women for the control of income under their domain; if women provide all the labor, it becomes hard for men to take charge (Fisher et al., 2000; Simiyu & Foeken, 2013). Besides, it has been argued that when a farm activity becomes profitable or commercialized, men tend to take control over its benefits (Fisher et al., 2000; Quisumbing & Kumar, 2011; Tavenner & Crane, 2018; Theis et al., 2018). The results in this study reveal a similar trend; while milking, milk value addition, and control over milk benefits have been women’s activity in the study region as reported by the nonadopters, a different trend is being established among the adopters where men are dominating control over milk proceeds.

The results show that, unlike men who in some cases use the increase in cattle herd to pay dowries, women channel most of their increased income to household needs. Although not explicitly reported in this study, men tend to withdraw their support on household sustenance when women’s income increases (Brockington, 2001; Simiyu & Foeken, 2013). Hence, despite appreciating the positive benefit of agricultural innovations, women end up benefitting less compared to men. These results imply that women benefit less from immunization against ECF, reducing their acceptance of the ITM vaccine. Studies have shown that women reject or reduce their labor requirement in agricultural innovations, which they perceived to increase their drudgery or shift their income control to men (Fisher et al., 2000; Theis et al., 2018; Van Koppen & Hussain, 2007). Similarly, in his metaphoric title, Hot Money, Somé (2013) illustrates how women opted not to engage in farming activities, such as cattle keeping and organic cotton farming, as men dominated control over income from these activities.

Conclusions

This study demonstrates that introducing ITM is a viable intervention for the improvement of smallholder cattle keepers’ livelihoods in ECF endemic areas. Men and women from both production systems attribute a reduction in cattle mortality, a decrease in the cost of vector control, and an enhancement in milk production to the uptake of ITM. The package size of the ITM vaccine, inadequate awareness, cost of ITM services, and poor infrastructure are key barriers affecting the vaccine’s uptake among men and women.

However, adopting the vaccine affects men and women differently. Although uptake has led to an increase in disposable income for both men and women, the benefits of this additional income are gendered and unequal. In the surveyed communities, women and men from the same household control their own incomes, which translate to different livelihood impacts. This is mainly due to existing socio-cultural, historical, and economic gender inequalities in the local context. Women are seen to channel increased income from evening milk sales for the crop-livestock systems, and morning and evening milk sales for the case agro-pastoral system to household expenditure and educating their children. At the same time, men concentrate their increased income, proceeds from cattle sales and from morning milk sales in the case of crop-livestock systems, mainly on investing in long-term assets and on child education.

It should be noted that ITM uptake has also resulted in some adverse effects among women. Their cattle management’s labor burden has increased, and some women have lost control over fresh milk proceeds to men, which may greatly reduce their acceptance of the vaccine. Thus, there is an urgent need for greater gender sensitivity in any efforts to scale up ITM vaccination programs. There is also a need to advocate for gender-sensitive policies providing a framework within which ECF vaccination is beneficial for men and women. The framework should consider the dynamism in gender norms related to cattle management roles and responsibilities and identify opportunities that support intrahousehold gender equity. Finally, the important issues highlighted by this study are so far based on only a small sample. More comprehensive research is required to confirm these findings and tease further gender issues such as the perceptions of ITM by different age and gender categories, as boys and girls are also involved in various cattle keeping activities.

Acknowledgements

The authors thank the team from the Royal Tropical Institute (KIT) for guidance during concept development and checklist preparation. Special thanks also to the two note takers who assisted in documentation and transcription. The authors are especially grateful to cattle keepers and the ECF vaccinators for their time and collaboration during the research period.

Disclosure statement

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Correction Statement

This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

Additional information

Funding

The International Livestock Research Institute supported this work through the Livestock and Fish Collaborative Research Program (CRP), now Livestock CRP. For more information, visit: http://www.cgiar.org/about-us/our-funders.