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ABSTRACT
Studies on security sector reform in Zimbabwe have largely taken the radical view that more often than not, the military has acted undemocratically through uttering and overseeing an array of operations meant to stifle democracy. Using document analysis, this article argues that police reform in Zimbabwe is imperative in ensuring the safety of the citizens who have since 1980 fallen victim to police unprofessionalism. There is sufficient evidence to suggest that any insightful discussion on security sector reform in Zimbabwe should take into account the role police have occupied in propping up ZANU PF since independence in 1980. Notwithstanding the volatile political environment that prevailed, it is the argument of this paper that the police were central to the survival of ZANU PF through the systematic execution of violence against the opposition; ignoring cases of political violence brought to them or even the ones they witnessed; carrying out politically-motivated arrests and dismissing alleged anti-ZANU PF police officers. It is therefore significant for Zimbabwe to speed up efforts to train and equip the police force with the requisite skills and weaponry so that they execute their duties within the confines of the country’s constitution.
Notes on contributor
Darlington Mutanda is currently a temporary full-time lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe in the History Department (War and Strategic Studies section) and a PhD student in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Johannesburg. His research interests include strategic studies and peacebuilding as it relates to: reconciliation, peace journalism, African security and conflict transformation, among others. He has published on these and other themes.
Notes
1 Chitiyo, ‘The Case for Security Sector Reform in Zimbabwe’.
2 See Chitiyo, ‘The Case for Security Sector Reform in Zimbabwe’; Jackson, ‘The Civil War Roots of Military Domination in Zimbabwe’; Masunungure, ‘Zimbabwe's Militarized, Electoral Authoritarianism’; Hove, ‘The Necessity of Security Sector Reform in Zimbabwe’; Noyes, ‘Securing Reform?’; Ndawana, ‘The military and democratization’.
3 Police Act Chapter 11:10.
4 Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 20).
5 Institute for Economics and Peace, ‘The World Internal Security and Police Index’.
6 Kammel, ‘The European Union and security sector reform’,547.
7 Bendix and Stanley, ‘Security Sector Reform in Africa’,9.
8 United Nations Development Programme, ‘Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World’.
9 Kammel, ‘The European Union and Security Sector Reform’, 547–48.
10 Bendix and Stanley, ‘Security Sector Reform in Africa’, 10.
11 Bonn International Center for Conversion, ‘Security Sector Reform in Kenya’, 1–2,
12 Bendix and Stanley, ‘Security Sector Reform in Africa’,10.
13 Brumberg and Sallam, The Politics of Security Sector Reform in Egypt’, 1.
14 Ibid., 1–2.
15 Institute for Economics and Peace, ‘The World Internal Security and Police Index’, 46.
16 Noyes, ‘Securing Reform?’ 29.
17 Cheeseman and Tendi, ‘Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective’, 211.
18 Jackson, ‘The Civil War Roots of Military Domination in Zimbabwe’, 372.
19 Ibid., 372.
20 Masunungure, ‘Zimbabwe's Militarized, Electoral Authoritarianism’, 54–5.
21 Muvingi, ‘The Politics of Entitlement and State Failure in Zimbabwe’, 88.
22 Cheeseman and Tendi, ‘Power-sharing in comparative perspective’, 217.
23 Chitiyo, ‘The Case for Security Sector Reform in Zimbabwe’.
24 Ibid., 4.
25 Ibid., 4–5.
26 Ibid., 5.
27 Ibid., 9.
28 Ibid., 51.
29 Hove, ‘The Necessity of Security Sector Reform in Zimbabwe’, 425.
30 Ibid., 429.
31 Ibid., 433.
32 Muvingi, ‘The Politics of Entitlement and State Failure in Zimbabwe’, 79.
33 Masunungure, ‘Zimbabwe's Militarized, Electoral Authoritarianism’, 47.
34 Ibid., 54.
35 Cheeseman and Tendi, ‘Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective’, 210–11.
36 Masunungure, ‘Zimbabwe's Militarized, Electoral Authoritarianism’, 56.
37 Blessing-Miles Tendi, ‘Ideology, Civilian Authority and the Zimbabwean Military’, 829–30.
38 Ibid., 831.
39 Ibid., 831.
40 Hendricks and Hutton, ‘Providing Security and Justice for the People: Security Sector Reform in Zimbabwe’,1–2.
41 Mutanda, ‘Post-Colonial Violence in Zimbabwe and the Significance of Peacebuilding Premised on Civilian Survival Strategies’, 182–5.
42 Hendricks and Hutton, ‘Providing Security and Justice for the People’, 6–7.
43 Chidza, ‘Security Sector Reform Back on the Agenda’.
44 Ibid.
45 Noyes, ‘Securing Reform?’, 32.
46 Ibid., 33.
47 Ibid., 36.
48 Ndawana, ‘The military and democratization’,128.
49 Cheeseman and Tendi, ‘Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective’,215.
50 Zimbabwe Election Support Network. Zimbabwe Constitution Referendum Report, 5.
51 Cheeseman and Tendi, ‘Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective’,210.
52 Muvingi, ‘The Politics of Entitlement and State Failure in Zimbabwe’,88.
53 UN Special Envoy on Human Settlements Issues in Zimbabwe. Report of the Fact-Finding Mission to Zimbabwe , 20.
54 Ibid., 8.
55 Muvingi, ‘The Politics of Entitlement and State Failure in Zimbabwe’, 81–2.
56 UN Special Envoy on Human Settlements Issues in Zimbabwe. Report of the Fact-Finding Mission to Zimbabwe, 60.
57 The Financial Gazette, ‘Zimbabwe police brutality under the spotlight’.
58 Mutanda, ‘The art of Mediation in Resolving African Conflicts’, 136–7.
59 Cheeseman and Tendi, ‘Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective’,215.
60 Mawere, ‘Bashed Lawyer Vows to Fight On’, 2.
61 The Standard, ‘Chingwizi tense after violent protests’, 2.
62 Zhangazha, ‘Women Bear Brunt of Police Brutality’.
63 Newsday, ‘Police Brutality Must Be Stopped’.
64 Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, ‘Zimbabwe Briefing, Special Issue 16 days’, 2.
65 ‘“Bullets for Each of You” State-Sponsored Violence since Zimbabwe’s March 29 Elections’.
66 Mashingaidze, ‘Guardians of the nation or unruly disciples?’ 122.
67 Cheeseman and Tendi, ‘Power-Sharing in Comparative Perspective’,210.
68 Kimion Tagwirei, ‘Zimbabwe Police Force Needs Serious Reformation’, 5.
69 Blessing Mhlanga, ‘Violence Victims Relieve Horror’, 5.
70 Manyonganise, ‘Invisibilising the Victimised’, 117–9.
71 Tsvangirai. At the deep end, 269–70.
72 Human Rights Watch, ‘Human Rights Violations’.
73 Murimwa, ‘Arson victims still at MDC-T provincial offices’, 5.
74 AllAfrica, ‘Zimbabwe: Victims of Political Violence’.
75 Ibid.
76 Ibid.
77 MDC-T was a culmination of the divisions within the MDC party. MDC-T became the major opposition party.
78 Matendere, ‘Gokwe Police Campaign for Peace’, 3.
79 Zimbabwe Parliament: House of Assembly, Debates, 27, no. 10, 815.
80 ‘The State of the World’s Human Rights’, Amnesty International Report, 372.
81 The Legal Monitor, ‘Filabusi activists walk free’, 268, November 10, 2014, 2.
82 Chitagu, ‘MDC-T official charged with assault’, 5.
83 Police Act Chapter 11:10.
84 Gweshe, ‘Can New Constitution Rein in Service Chiefs?’ 7.
85 Tshuma, ‘Fired Cop Seeks Justice’, 5.
86 Zimbabwe Parliament: House of Assembly, Debates, 27, no. 14, 1303. See also Tagwirei, ‘Zimbabwe Police Force Needs Serious Reformation’, 5.
87 Ibid., 1304–05.
88 Machivenyika, ‘Zim-EU Launch Formal Dialogue Process’.
89 Ibid.
90 European Union Delegation to the Republic of Zimbabwe, ‘Zimbabwe and the EU’, 2016, May 16, https://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/zimbabwe_en/1867/Zimbabwe%20and%20the%20EU.
91 European Union, ‘EU Sanctions Map’, accessed 24 June, 2019, https://sanctionsmap.eu/#/main/details/40/lists?search=%7B%22value%22:%22%22,%22searchType%22:%7B%7D%7D.
92 Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the 1st of August 2018 Post-Election Violence.
93 Ibid., 46.
94 Ibid., 52.
95 Ruwende, ‘R55 million for police training’.
96 Mananavire and Chingono, ‘Zim Security Forces Buy New Weapons’.
97 Ibid.
98 AllAfrica, ‘Zimbabwe: ZRP’.
99 Amnesty International, ‘Zimbabwe’.