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Original Articles

THE FORMATION OF “TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNITIES”

Pages 171-185 | Published online: 25 Jan 2007
 

Abstract

This article will explore the multicultural challenges resulting from increasing numbers of migrant workers and foreign (non‐Chinese) brides in Taiwan, and discuss how such outside cultural influences create new forms of cultural expression, identity and citizenship. It will further describe experiences and present theories specific to Taiwan’s experience. Research on “transnational communities” is fairly advanced in Taiwan. “Transnational communities” in Taiwan are expected to “assimilate” quickly into mainstream Taiwanese society, and personal cultural needs and influences are largely ignored. These communities continue to remain isolated from mainstream Taiwanese society, thus making them “invisible” to society as a whole. Therefore, this research hopes to encourage research into “transnational communities” within the field of cultural policy studies and provide a basic picture of the cultural influence and development of these communities in Taiwan.

Notes

1. Methods employed in this article relied primarily on interviews and cultural policy analysis. This article explores the development of cultural policy and administration through changes to the law, major measures of state intervention and cultural activities promoted by the state. Analysis of cultural policy relies on a range of secondary sources that include: official documents (laws and decrees, official declarations, cultural policy reports, descriptions of cultural activity, publications of the cultural administration and cultural statistics); mass media sources (newspapers, magazines, journals, etc.); and literature (research papers, books and articles on cultural policy). In addition, I have conducted interviews with current and previous Taiwan government officials to better understand cultural policy formulation and explore the various motivations underpinning cultural policy.

2. Foreign workers in Taiwan may be grouped into two categories: those who stay in Taiwan for a short time, and those who gain citizenship and stay indefinitely. It is the first group that is numerically most important (Wu Citation1997, p. 14).

3. E.g., a shortage ratio of 77% in the construction industry would mean that only 33% of labour needed by that industry could be found domestically, while 77% would need to be found elsewhere (in migrant workers).

4. This thinking is reflected in many current policies; e.g., employers are responsible for migrant workers who run away. Thus, employers understandably impose relatively harsh measures to prevent runaways, such as restricting workers’ freedom of movement and holding onto their passports or money.

5. According to research by the Alliance of Labour Alignment, the crime rate for migrant workers averages 28.5 crimes per 100,000 persons compared to a crime rate for Taiwanese that averages 51.09 crimes per 100,000 persons. Clearly, migrant workers are being unjustly stigmatised as a violent group (see www.labor.ngo.org.tw/labor‐right‐report/20report/6‐foreign‐labor.htm (in Chinese)).

6. Many migrant workers meet friends at railway stations in Taipei, Taichung and other towns. Such gatherings cause resentment among local residents who believe migrant workers are “occupying” the stations, making them dirty and noisy.

7. Administrative Plan of the Taipei City Council, 2001, Report of the Mayor to the Taipei Assembly.

8. According to a 2001 CLA report, the largest group of migrant workers is Thai (about 140,000 in number), the second largest is Indonesian (about 89,000), and Filipinos rank third (about 83,000). The Filipino group used to be the largest (about 110,000), but because of growing political problems between the Taiwan and Philippine governments, the CLA reduced the Philippine quota and increased the quota for the Vietnamese.

9. There are some restaurants specifically for migrant workers in Taiwan; e.g., there is a Thai restaurant in the Taipei rail station. This is an ideal place for Thais to meet their friends.

10. Local government and employers hold collective activities for Thai workers at special holidays or festivals – e.g., the birthday of the Thai King (see China Times, 4 April 1995).

11. In Taiwan, the case of the Hakka is thus close to the idea of a postmodernist hybrid culture. The existence of “Fulo‐Hakka”, “Hakka‐Fulo”, “Hakka‐Saisiyat” (Saisiyat is one of Taiwan’s indigenous tribal groups) and “Mainlander‐Hakka” reveals the “organic hybridity” Hakka. While the government has sponsored cultural activities to recognise this organic hybridisation (e.g., the “Fulo‐Hakka” Festival held in 2003), it has not similarly sponsored programs to recognise the new role in Taiwan played by “transnational communities” and their children.

12. I use Taipei as an index because the Taipei City Council has consistently promoted the culture of migrant workers for the relatively long period of two years. Other cities and counties, while also holding activities for migrant workers, are not as well organised in their approach.

13. The Committee of Cultural Affairs is the main authority on cultural policy in Taiwan. However, its influence on transnational communities is very limited. CLA and the labour bureaus of local governments provide more practical policy guidance to improve the access of transnational communities to cultural activities and opportunities.

14. Cultural diversity aims to rectify the problems of multiculturalism in cultural policy. As in the case of multiculturalism, it addresses two main problems. The first is to encourage diversity of culture, living, imagination and creativity among individuals – e.g., UNESCO’s statement on “Our Creative Diversity” stresses the crucial importance of cultural self‐definition and the value given to the individual voice (ACE Citation1998, p. 11). The second problem is concerned with providing equal cultural opportunity to all people regardless of their social background, as provided for in the concept of multicultural citizenship (ACE Citation1998, p. 19).

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