Removing Some of the Dust from the Wheels of Civilization: William Ernest Jones and the 1928 Commonwealth Survey of Mental Deficiency

Abstract

Historians of the eugenics movement in Australia in the first half of the twentieth century have failed to provide an adequate explanation for its place and relative importance both within public policy planning and more generally in the zeitgeist. This article argues for a new approach, characterising eugenics as a science or technology being utilised on occasions for the more fundamental and time-honoured task of the elimination of racial degeneracy. Thus, a wider question is raised about the role of eugenics as a central plank in the development of scientific racism in the twentieth century.

^*I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Warwick Anderson, Alison Bashford, Helen McDonald, Dolly McKinnon, Dick Selleck, and the reviewers for many helpful suggestions.

^*I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Warwick Anderson, Alison Bashford, Helen McDonald, Dolly McKinnon, Dick Selleck, and the reviewers for many helpful suggestions.

Notes

^*I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Warwick Anderson, Alison Bashford, Helen McDonald, Dolly McKinnon, Dick Selleck, and the reviewers for many helpful suggestions.

¹ Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Debates, 1912, vol. LXIX: 6741.

²Rob Watts, ‘Beyond Nature and Nurture: Eugenics in Twentieth Century Australian History’, The Australian Journal of Politics and History 40, no. 3 (1994): 319. See C.L. Bacchi, ‘The Nature-Nurture Debate in Australia, 1900–1914’, Historical Studies 19, no. 5 (1980): 199—212; Mary Cawte, ‘Craniometry and Eugenics in Australia: “R.J.A. Berry and the quest for Social Efficiency”’, Historical Studies 22 (1986): 35—53; David McCallum, ‘Eugenics, Psychology and Education in Australia’, Melbourne Working Papers 4, 1982–83: 17—33; Graeme Davison, ‘The City-bred Child and Urban Reform in Melbourne 1900–1914’ in Social Process and the City, ed. Peter Williams (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1983), 143—74.

³For example, see Alison Holland, ‘Wives and Mothers Like Ourselves? Exploring White Women's Intervention in the Politics of Race, 1920s–1940s’, Australian Historical Studies 32, no. 117 (October 2001): 292—310; Nikki Henningham, ‘“Hats Off Gentlemen, to Our Australian Mothers!” Representations of White Femininity in North Queensland in the Early Twentieth Century’, Australian Historical Studies 32, no. 117 (October 2001): 311—21; Caroline Evans and Naomi Parry, ‘Vessels of Progressivism? Tasmanian State Girls and Eugenics, 1900–1940’, Australian Historical Studies 32, no. 117 (October 2001): 322—33; Ann Curthoys, ‘Response: Refiguring Histories of Women and Children’, Australian Historical Studies 32, no. 117 (October 2001): 334—37; Marilyn Lake, ‘Response: Women and ‘Whiteness’’, Australian Historical Studies 32, no. 117 (October 2001): 338—42; ‘A Race for A Place’: Eugenics, Darwinism and Social Thought and Practice in Australia, Proceedings of the History & Sociology of Eugenics Conference, University of Newcastle, ed. M. Crotty, J. Germov. and G. Rodwell, 27–28 April 2000 (Newcastle: University of Newcastle, 2000). As will become clear, I do not agree with Windshuttle's dismissal of social Darwinism in Australia. See Keith Windshuttle, The White Australia Policy (Sydney: Macleay Press, 2004), 5 and 142.

⁴Apart from those above see Stephen Garton, ‘Sound Minds and Healthy Bodies: Re-considering Eugenics in Australia, 1914–1940’, Australian Historical Studies 26, no. 103 (October 1994): 166; Ross L. Jones, ‘The Master Potter and the Rejected Pots: Eugenic Legislation in Victoria 1918–1939’, Australian Historical Studies 30, no. 113 (October 1999): 319—42. For descriptions of mainline and reform eugenics see Daniel J. Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity (New York: Knopf, 1985), 88, 172—73. For the other categories see G. R. Searle, ‘Eugenics and Class’, in Biology, Medicine and Society 1840–1940, ed. Charles Webster (New York: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 239—40.

¹⁰Stephen Garton, ‘Writing Eugenics: A History of Classifying Practices’, in ‘A Race for A Place’, 9.

⁵Mark B. Adams, ‘Eugenics in the History of Science’, in The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil and Russia, ed. Mark B. Adams (New York: Oxford University Press 1990), 6.

⁶Caroline Daley, ‘The Strongman of Eugenics, Eugen Sandow’, Australian Historical Studies 33, no. 120 (October 2002): 233–48.

⁷Starting with Warwick Anderson, The Cultivation of Whiteness: Science, Health and Racial Destiny in Australia (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2002), especially chapter 6, and Alison Bashford, Imperial Hygiene: A Critical History of Colonialism, Nationalism, and Public Health (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), chapters 5 and 6; Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds, Drawing the Global Colour Line: White Men's Countries and the Question of Racial Equality (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2008).

⁸Russell McGregor, ‘“Breed out the Colour” or the Importance of Being White’, Australian Historical Studies 33, no. 120 (October 2002): 297.

⁹Claire Hooker, ‘Review of Diana Wyndham, Eugenics in Australia: Striving for National Fitness, 2003, The Galton Institute, London,’ Isis 97, vol. 4 (2006): 784—86.

²¹William Ernest Jones, Report on Mental Deficiency in the Commonwealth of Australia (Canberra: H.J. Green, Government Printer 1929), 3.

¹¹Cumpston to Jones, 29 January 1929, Department of Health, Commonwealth of Australia, Australian Archives (ACT), A1928/1, 362/9/5 SECT1 (hereafter “mental deficiency archive”). See also Cumpston to Jones, 19 February 1929, mental deficiency archive. William Ernest Jones, Report of Mental Deficiency in the Commonwealth of Australia (Canberra: H.J. Green, 1929). Mental deficients were also referred to as mental defectives.

¹²For example, see Mathew Thomson, The Problem of Mental Deficiency: Eugenics, Democracy, and Social Policy in Britain c. 1870–1959, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); Edward J. Larson, ‘The Rhetoric of Eugenics: Expert Authority and the Mental Deficiency Bill’, The British Journal for the History of Science 24, part 1, no. 80 (March 1991): 45—60.

¹³A bill was introduced in 1930—NSW Legislative Council Consolidated Index, 1914–1934, vol 14. For Richard Berry and the Victorian bill see Ross L. Jones, ‘The Master Potter and the Rejected Pots’. The only successful legislative programme was in Tasmania—inspired by Richard Berry. Tasman Lovell, ‘The Tasmanian Mental Deficiency Act’, The Australasian Journal of Psychology and Philosophy 1, (1923): 285—89.

¹⁴‘Minority Report of Commissioners Mrs F.M. Muscio and John Curtin – Report of the Royal Commission on Child Endowment or Family Allowances’, 104, Commonwealth Parliamentary Papers, session 1929, vol. 2, 1383; ‘Majority Report of the Chairman and Commissioners I. Evans and S. Mills – Report of the Royal Commission on Child Endowment or Family Allowances’, 79, Commonwealth Parliamentary Papers, session 1929, vol. 2, 1383.

¹⁵The Report of the Joint Mental Deficiency Committee of the Board of Education and the Board of Control. For a discussion of such a climate in Western Australia see Moira Fitzpatrick, ‘Preventing the Unfit from Breeding: The Mental Deficiency Bill in Western Australia, 1929’ in Childhood and Society in Western Australia, ed. Penelope Heatherington (Nedlands: University of Western Australia Press, 1988), 146. For Victoria, see K.S. Cunningham, ‘Mental Deficiency in England: Comparisons with Australia’, Education Gazette and Teachers’ Aid (17 April 1930): 153—54.

¹⁶See Alison M. Turtle, ‘Education, Social Science and the Common Weal’, in The Commonwealth of Science, ANZAAS and the Scientific Enterprise in Australasia, 1888–1988, ed. Roy MacLeod (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1988), 233. Cumpston wrote for, and received, material from his New Zealand counterpart on these matters for the purpose of informing Jones's work. Cumpston to Director-General of Health, Wellington, NZ, 4 August 1928; 16 August 1928; Director-General of Health to Cumpston, 11 September 1928, mental deficiency archive.

¹⁷ Age, 3 August 1928, 8. Australasian, 18 August 1928. E.M. Miller and H.T. Parker's evidence, Royal Commission on Child Endowment, Minutes of Evidence, Government Printer, Canberra, 1928, 13828.

¹⁸ Herald, 9 May 1929; Age, 25 April 1929. The Federal Department of Health files contained cuttings of these articles, see mental deficiency archive. For Berry's eugenic crusade see Ross L. Jones, Humanity's Mirror: 150 Years of Anatomy in Melbourne (Melbourne: Haddington Press, 2007), chapter 5. In 1929 Berry departed for the United Kingdom, mainly as a victim of local university politics. See Jones, Humanity's Mirror, 129–30; 184–85.

¹⁹ Age, 25 April 1929. For the widespread support for Berry's message see Jones, Humanity's Mirror, 107–13, 120–28.

²⁰Ross L. Jones, ‘Skeletons in Toorak and Collingwood Cupboards: Eugenics in Educational and Health Policy in Victoria, 1910 to 1939’ (PhD thesis, Monash University, 2000), 42–55.

²²William Ernest Jones, unpublished, handwritten diaries, written between 1938 and 1954. Royal Melbourne Hospital Health Services Library—incorporating the Victorian Mental Health Library, Parkville, Melbourne. Pages unnumbered, but see under ‘1921’.

²³ Transactions of the 6 ^th Meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science (Brisbane, 1895), 842—43. This committee received advice from, among others, Francis Galton. See Turtle, ‘Education, Social Science and the Common Weal’, 225—26.

²⁴In 1911, the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science set up an Anthropometric Committee for the purpose of studying anthropometry nationally. At the Australian Medical Conference in Sydney, in the same year, a resolution was agreed to conduct a national survey of mental deficiency. See Turtle, ‘Education, Social Science and the Common Weal’, 227f; David McCallum, The Social Production of Merit: Education, Psychology and Politics in Australia 1900–1950 (London: The Falmer Press, 1990), 15; John Lewis, ‘So Much Grit in the Hub of the Educational Machine: Schools, Society and the Invention of Measurable Intelligence’, in Mother State and Her Little Ones: Children and Youth in Australia 1860s–1930s, ed. Bob Bessant (Melbourne: Centre for Youth and Community Studies, 1987), 146. Again, in 1918, H.W. Armit, the editor of the Medical Journal of Australia, proposed a national conference on mental deficiency. John Lewis, ‘Removing the Grit: The Development of Special Education in Victoria 1887-1947’ (PhD thesis, Latrobe University, 1989), 205-207. A year or so later, Richard Berry was asked by the Western Australian government to conduct an inquiry into mental deficiency. Professor R.J.A. Berry's evidence, Commonwealth of Australia, Royal Commission on Health, 1925, Minutes of Evidence (Melbourne: Government Printer, no date), 4298–99.

²⁵For the lack of earlier surveys similar to those in the UK see Helen Bourke, ‘Social Scientists as Intellectuals: From the First World War to the Depression’, in Intellectual Movements and Australian Society, ed. Brian Head and James Walter (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1988).

²⁶Jones, Report, 3.

²⁷The Anthropometric Research Committee noted that ‘[r]egarding certain measurements which have been taken by military and educational authorities during the past five years, the Committee regrets to report that there is evidently a want of that care and accuracy in the collection of data which are essential for obtaining reliable statistical results’. Dr Mary Booth, Secretary to the Committee, The Anthropometric Research Committee, Report Thirteenth Meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, held at Sydney, 1911, (Sydney: W.E. Smith, 1912), 692.

²⁸He believed that the 1911 survey conducted by the British Medical Association had ‘experienced even to a greater extent’ the problems that he had encountered in his own national survey. Jones, Report, 13–14; McCallum, The Social Production of Merit, 18.

²⁹Jones's evidence, Royal Commission on Health, 1925, Minutes of Evidence, 4567.

³⁰Harvey Sutton's evidence, 1925 Royal Commission on Health, Minutes of Evidence, 5070; 5061–62; E.M. Miller and H.T. Parker's evidence, Royal Commission on Child Endowment, Minutes of Evidence, 13828. McCallum, The Social Production of Merit, 18, 20; Lewis, ‘Removing the Grit’, 96. Richard Berry also believed a national census was necessary. Berry's evidence, 1925 Royal Commission on Health, Minutes of Evidence, 4296.

³¹The report stated ‘that a Director of Child Welfare should be appointed and that this officer should have the task of investigating ‘the health conditions of children of all ages, including mental hygiene’. Jones, Report, 3. At a conference of the Ministers of Health in 1926, this proposal was approved, following which the Federal Health Council (a body set up as a consequence of the recommendations of the Royal Commission) and comprising the senior health public servants in Health departments in each State and the Commonwealth) adopted the following resolution at the second session in 1928: ‘Mental Deficiency—In view of the incompleteness of information concerning the extent of mental deficiency in Australia, and the urgent necessity for having this knowledge available, the Council requests the Commonwealth Government to arrange for an inquiry to be made and a full report on this subject to be compiled for the next session of the Council.’ Jones, Report, 3; Report of the Federal Health Council, Second Session, Melbourne, 19–23 March 1928, 10.

³²See Stanley Argyle, Victorian Minister for Health, arguing against federal domination in the Argus, 16 January 1926, 38; 27 February 1929, 7; 28 February 1929, 7; James A. Gillespie, The Price of Health: Australian Governments and Medical Politics 1910–1960 (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 45. Cumpston to all Chief Quarantine Officers 23 July 1928, mental deficiency archive.

³³ Age, 3 August 1928.

³⁴Ibid. Jones's visits were arranged in each state by the resident Commonwealth representative of the Department of Health. For one example see Cumpston to Cilento (Queensland) 6 August 1928, mental deficiency archive.

³⁷ Sydney Morning Herald, 14 August 1928. The non-contributory nature of the Commonwealth pension scheme had been a bone of contention amongst fiscal conservatives throughout the 1920s, and occasioned much conflict after the onset of the Depression. Robb Watts, The Foundations of the National Welfare State, (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1987), 7.

³⁵Jones requested from Cilento material relating to hookworm infections in Queensland, a major contributing cause in the tropics of a variety of pathological conditions which, according to contemporary medical opinion, resulted in weaker mental performance. Cilento to Cumpston, 20 August 1928; Cumpston to Cilento, 27 August 1928; Cilento to Jones, 6 September 1928, mental deficiency archive. A report was prepared by Cilento, with the assistance of research carried out at the library of the Australian Institute of Tropical Medicine in Townsville by Dr Baldwin. For the appalling health of school children just before this time see F.B. Smith, ‘Medical Inspection of State Schoolchildren in Australia, c. 1905–14’, Health and History 10, no. 1 (2008): 5—20.

³⁶Jones, Report, 3.

³⁸Jones, Report, 20, 21. Director of Education, Queensland Department of Public Instruction to Cumpston, 21 September 1928, mental deficiency archive; Jones, Report, 3.

³⁹Jones, Report, appendix A, 19.

⁴⁰ Education Gazette and Teachers’ Aid, 23 August 1928: 190.

⁴¹Cumpston to the Minister, 11 July 1929, mental deficiency archive.

⁴²Ibid. Howse requested the carbon copy of Jones's Report for his personal use. Handwritten note on Cumpston to the Minister, 11 July 1929, mental deficiency archive.

⁴³Jones, Report, 3.

⁴⁴Jones, Report, 3.

⁴⁵Jones, Report, 7. The statistics for New South Wales suggested that 0.92 per cent of the school population was mentally defective. The survey in New South Wales was incomplete as Sutton had resigned his post.

⁴⁶Jones, Report, 12.

⁴⁷Cumpston to the Minister, 11 July 1929, mental deficiency archive.

⁴⁸Jones, Report, 5.

⁴⁹Leaving aside the figure of 4.59 per cent of mentally deficient children in state schools in Adelaide given by Dr Constance Davey. Constance Muriel Davey's evidence, 1925 Royal Commission on Health, Minutes of Evidence, 16384. Sutton gave an estimate of one per cent, Ralph Noble 0.5 per cent, and Miller 0.3 per cent. See Sutton's evidence, Minutes of Evidence, 5061; Noble's evidence, Minutes of Evidence, 8717; Miller's evidence, Minutes of Evidence, 10767.

⁵⁰Jones's evidence, Minutes of Evidence, 4567. In fact Jones's final report in 1929 found levels to be up to five times higher than the high estimate of Harvey Sutton: Report, 7.

⁵¹For an earlier discussion of this see Noble's evidence, Minutes of Evidence; 8718 for Dr Frank Hone's calculations.

⁵²Jones, Report, 17. In 1925, 0.76 per cent (or 45,600 individuals) of the Australian population was in receipt of a Commonwealth invalid pension See ‘Invalid and Old-Age Pensions – Statement for the twelve months ended 30 June 1931’, Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Papers, 1929–30–31, vol. 11, 12

⁵³Cumpston to the Minister, 6 December 1929, mental deficiency archive.

⁵⁴Handwritten note on the letter from Cumpston to the Minister, 6 December 1929, mental deficiency archive.

⁵⁵ Argus, 23 December 1929; Sun, 23 December 1929; Age, 23 December 1929, p.11; Sydney Morning Herald, 23 December 1929, p.12.

⁵⁶ Examiner, 23 December 1929.

⁵⁷ Examiner, 23 December 1929.

⁵⁸ Advertiser, 27 December 1929.

⁵⁹ Advertiser, 27 December 1929.

⁶⁰ Advertiser, 27 December 1929.

⁶¹ Mail, 24 December 1929; Courier, 1 January 1930.

⁶⁴Jones to Cumpston, 6 July 1929, mental deficiency archive.

⁶²Cumpston to various members of the Federal Health Council 24 October 1929, Cumpston to the Minister, 11 July 1929, mental deficiency archive.

⁶³ Report of the Federal Health Council, Fourth Session, 11 March to 13 March 1930, 4.

⁶⁵Jones, Report, 16.

⁶⁶Jones, Report, 14.

⁶⁷Jones, Report, 16.

⁶⁸Jones, Report.

⁶⁹Jones, Report, 17.

⁷⁰Jones, Report.

⁷¹Jones, Report.

⁷³W.E. Jones, diaries. See entry between 1928 and 1931 sections. For more on this silent opposition or indifference see Ross L. Jones, ‘Skeletons’, 286—90.

⁷²Jones, Report.

⁷⁴Jones, Report, 17.

⁷⁵Jones, Report.

⁷⁶Jones, Report.

⁷⁷Jones, Report.

⁷⁸Michael Roe, ‘The Establishment of the Australian Department of Health: Its Background and Significance’, Historical Studies 17, no. 67 (October 1976): 176–92; Gillespie, The Price of Health, 48.

⁷⁹Jones wrote to Cumpston in February 1930 asking for additional copies due to a high level of interest in Victoria. The Australian High Commissioner's Office in London requested copies of Jones's Report in September 1930, the reason being that ‘[s]everal enquiries have reached this office as to whether copies are available, the latest from the Eugenics Society’. See Jones to Cumpston, 26 February 1930; Australian High Commissioner's Office to Prime Minister's Department, 25 September 1930, mental deficiency archive. Also, the Prime Minister's Department requested from Cumpston any statistics in Jones's Report relating to migration and, as late as 1937, the Secretary of the Child Welfare Department of New South Wales sought a copy of the report from Cumpston. See Cumpston to Secretary, Child Welfare Department, New South Wales, 15 October 1937, mental deficiency archive. See also Department of Health, Commonwealth of Australia, Australian Archives (ACT), A1928/1, 362/9/5 SECT 2.

⁸⁰Frank R. Kerr, ‘The Sterilization of Mental Defectives’, Appendix II, Report of the Federal Health Council of Australia, Sixth Session, Canberra, 21 to 23 February, 1933 (Canberra: Commonwealth Government Printer, 1933), 16, 17.

⁸¹K.S. Cunningham, ‘Mental Deficiency in England: Comparisons with Australia’: 153—54.

⁸²K.S. Cunningham, ‘Mental Deficiency in England: Comparisons with Australia’ 153.

⁸³K.S. Cunningham, ‘Mental Deficiency in England: Comparisons with Australia’ 153.

⁸⁴K.S. Cunningham, ‘Mental Deficiency in England: Comparisons with Australia’ 153.

⁸⁵K.S. Cunningham, ‘Mental Deficiency in England: Comparisons with Australia’ 153.

⁸⁶H.T. Parker, The Mental Defective in School and After (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1949), 15.

⁹³ Herald, 5 September 1934.

⁸⁷Geoffrey Serle, From Deserts the Prophets Come – The Creative Spirit in Australia 1788–1972 (Melbourne: Heinemann, 1973), 55; Paul de Serville, Pounds and Pedigrees: The Upper Class in Victoria 1850-80 (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1991), 140, 147–48, 187; Jones, Humanity's Mirror, 44–45; Geoffrey Sherington, ‘“A Better Class of Boy”, The Big Brother Movement, Youth Migration and Citizenship of Empire’, Australian Historical Studies 33, no. 120 (October 2002): 267—85.

⁸⁸This criticism rankled. See de Serville, Pounds and Pedigrees, 64; Jones, Humanity's Mirror, 48, 74–78.

⁸⁹For example, C.H. Pearson, National Life and Character: A Forecaste (London: Macmillan, 1893); The Peopling of Australia, ed. P.D. Phillips and G.L. Wood (London: Dawsons of Pall Mall 1968 [1928]); The Peopling of Australia (Further Studies), ed. F.W. Eggleston et al (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1933).

⁹⁰Serle, Deserts, 1.

⁹¹Anderson, Cultivation, chapters 3, 4, 5; Jones, ‘Skeletons’: 178—85.

⁹²It was the same in the UK. ‘Report of the Inspector-General of the Insane for the year ended 31 December 1910’, Victorian Parliamentary Papers, Session 1911, vol. 2, 46.

⁹⁴For a defence of biological determinism in the 1950s and 1960s see F. Macfarlane Burnet, ‘Biology and Medicine’, Eugenics Review 49, no. 3 (September 1957): 131; F. Macfarlane Burnet, ‘2000 A.D. – A Biologist's Thoughts on the Next Forty Years’, Eugenics Review 53, no. 1 (April 1961): 25—32; Judith Bessant, ‘Described, Measured and Labelled: Eugenics, Youth Policy and Moral Panic in Victoria in the 1950s’, Journal of Australian Studies 31, (1992): 8—28. For the general retreat of biological determinism see Michelle Brattain, 2007, ‘Race, Racism, and Antiracism: UNESCO and the Politics of Presenting science to the Postwar Public’, American Historical Review 112 (2007): 1386—1413.

⁹⁵See particularly the 1925 Immigration Act which copied much of the notorious 1924 US Act. Commonwealth of Australia, Parliamentary Debates, 1925, vol. 110, 456–57; 657. The Canadian Acts were also an important influence. Fears of ‘inferior’ migrants being diverted to Australia from the US after 1925 were expressed by the Lecturer in Psychology in the University of Sydney, A.H. Martin, in ‘The Psychological Examination of Immigrants’, Australasian Journal of Psychology and Philosophy III, no. 3 (1925): 199—206.

⁹⁶Egon Erwin Kisch, Australian Landfall, translated by John Fisher and Irene and Kevin Fitzgerald (Sydney: Australasian Book Society, 1969 [1937]), 209. For a discussion of this see McGregor, ‘“Breed out the Colour”’: 295—97.

⁹⁷Jones, Report, 3.

⁹⁸For example Antipode, 37, No. 5 (2005).

⁹⁹See B. Ward-Perkins, ‘Why did the Anglo-Saxons not become more British?’, English Historical Review 115 (2000): 513—33. For a gateway to other studies see Warwick Anderson and Vincanne Adams, ‘Pramoedya's Chickens: Postcolonial Studies of Technoscience’, in Michael Lynch et al (eds), The Science and Technology Studies Handbook (Thousand Oaks: Sage, 2008), 181—204.

¹⁰⁰For one example see W.E. Agar, ‘Some Eugenic Aspects of Australian Population Problems’ in Phillips and Wood, The Peopling of Australia, 144.

¹⁰¹Visit to northern England, Correspondence, Britain, Europe and America, 23 July 1923, Frank Tate Papers, University of Melbourne Archives, University of Melbourne.