‘Typical scripts’ and their silences: exploring myths about sexual violence and LGBTQ people from the perspectives of support workers

ABSTRACT

Sexism, heterosexism and cissexism shape what is visible and knowable about sexual violence for LGBTQ people. While there is a plethora of research into ‘rape myths’ as they pertain to cisgender women’s experiences of sexual violence perpetrated by cisgender men, comparatively little research examines how myths and stereotypes about sexual violence might impact LGBTQ victims/survivors. This article draws from 29 interviews with sexual assault support workers and LGBTQ community workers in Victoria and South Australia, which form part of a broader study exploring societal discourses about sexual violence for LGBTQ people. In this article, we present findings of a thematic analysis exploring the complex interplay between heterosexist and cissexist ideas about LGBTQ people (their bodies, sexual practices and relationships) as well as myths and stereotypes about sexual violence (what it looks like, what causes it and who is deserving of compassion). The article discusses workers’ views on how myths and stereotypes impact on LGBTQ victims/survivors’ ability to speak about their experiences of violence and be understood and appropriately supported by others. It is argued that myths and stereotypes can often work to minimise and justify sexual violence, while also blaming LGBTQ victims/survivors for their experiences.

KEYWORDS:

• LGBTQ
• queer
• rape myths
• sexual violence

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

1 Following conventions in feminist research, we have used the term ‘victim/survivor’ to signify people who have experienced sexual violence. We have chosen to divide the words with an oblique stroke (victim/survivor) rather than a hyphen (victim-survivor) or to use one term exclusively, recognising that people may not identify with both or either terms.

2 This article focuses on myths and stereotypes about sexual violence for LGBTQ adults. However, we acknowledge that there are additional myths and stereotypes about LGBTQ people’s experiences of child sexual abuse that deserve further attention and research (see, eg, Munson and Cook-Daniels, 2015; and Patterson, 2016).

3 Interview with Oli, trans non-binary, LGBTQ community worker SA, they/them (discussed below).

4 Throughout this article we have used the acronym ‘LGBTQ’, as myths and stereotypes specific to intersex and asexual people have not been discussed. Although interview participants were asked about these groups as part of interviews, no participants discussed myths and stereotypes specific to intersex and asexual adults who have experienced sexual assault. We have therefore not listed intersex or asexual within the ‘LGBTQ’ acronym in this paper in an attempt to avoid mentioning them in name only, without the specific consideration and attention these groups need and deserve. We recommend future research specifically focus on the issue of sexual violence for intersex people and asexual people, including the myths and stereotypes that may affect these groups.

5 Service providers working in the domestic violence, mental health, general practice and community health and housing services also may work with LGBTQ people who have experienced sexual violence. However, it was beyond the scope of the project to work with all service providers. Future research could consider these sectors and services.

6 Note that this includes a cissexist assumption about queer women’s bodies as not having a penis.