ABSTRACT
Vietnam, one of the few remaining communist countries in the world, is a unique and under-researched context for exploring the governance and provision of security before, during and after natural disasters. Its geographical location means that it is extremely vulnerable to the environmental impacts of climate change, particularly hydrometeorological disasters such as typhoons and floods. For this reason, policing scholars worldwide are increasingly interested in how Vietnam’s police agencies manage natural disasters. Up to now, most of the existing literature has centred on the experiences of Western countries. The lack of empirical research in countries like Vietnam accounts for our lesser knowledge of how communist approaches to community-based policing support disaster management, recovery, and resilience-building. In this study, we use a combination of desktop research, case studies, and interviews with police officers to describe how Vietnam’s ‘four-on-the-spot’ (FOTS) community-policing model aligns with the country’s disaster mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery capabilities. We consider the strengths and limitations of a FOTS-based approach to ‘resilience policing’ noted in the wider literature on adaptive governance and present some practical recommendations for enhancing the adaptability of Vietnamese police in disaster-prone regions. These lessons may potentially be applied to other climate-affected regions in Vietnam.
Introduction
Vietnam lies in a tropical climate zone. Climate change is the main cause of extreme weather phenomena, and Vietnam is one of the countries forecasted to suffer the heaviest and most far-reaching impacts; all areas of the country’s economic and social life will be profoundly affected (Luong Citation2021, Perwaiz et al. Citation2021, Tran et al. Citation2022). The country experiences dozens of storms and tropical depressions annually, particularly from July to December, which bring heavy rainfall. Over the last twenty years, extreme weather events have caused more than 13,000 deaths, at least $6.4 billion in property damage (Government of Vietnam Citation2017), and economic losses equivalent to 1.0–1.5% of the country’s GDP (Perwaiz et al. Citation2021).Footnote1 Accordingly, it is estimated that over the coming decades, climate-related disasters will directly impact 70% of Vietnam’s population as the intensity and frequency of hydrogeological events such as typhoons, floods, and droughts increase.
As the country’s leading body in the political system, Vietnam’s Communist State (VCS) has focused since 1986 (during the Renovation Period or Đổi Mới in Vietnamese) on strengthening natural disaster prevention and control by maintaining and developing ‘four-on-the-spot’ strategies (FOTS, Bốn Tại Chỗ in Vietnamese). The FOTS motto can be understood to mean that each household needs to prepare itself fully with what is most necessary to prevent and respond to natural disasters occurring in its locality (Luong Citation2021). At the same time as meeting the relief requirements for their own family or locality, households must be ready to support other families and localities.
In the original order, FOTS is divided into four main parts: (1) leadership on the spot (FOTS-1), (2) human resources on the spot (FOTS-2), (3) supplies and vehicles on the spot (FOTS-3), and (4) logistics on the spot (FOTS-4). The four elements must be implemented simultaneously to promote efficiency at the highest level, and they must be bound and linked. To detail the FOTS, the VCS has established multiple policy frameworks for disaster risk management and climate change in its laws and programs, including for law enforcement agencies (To and Kato Citation2018, Luong Citation2021, Tran et al. Citation2022). As part of the Ministry of Public Security (MPS), the People’s Police Force (PPF) is one of the core agencies tasked with responding to climate change, preventing natural disasters, and undertaking search-and-rescue operations (Luong Citation2018, To and Kato Citation2018). While all PPFs may be requested to control natural disasters under the power of the VCS, the Police Force on Fire Fighting and Prevention and Search and Rescue (FFF) is considered the leader in disaster management. It covers all mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery steps.
Community-based approaches to policing have long been used to promote community safety by reducing local vulnerabilities and building capacities to manage complex sources of risk and insecurity (Bonkiewicz and Ruback Citation2010, Varano and Schafer Citation2012). Almost all models, including community policing (Stenning Citation1984 Oliver and Bartgis Citation1998), community-oriented policing (Goldstein Citation1987), problem-oriented policing (Goldstein Citation1979), and third-party policing (Mazerolle and Ransley Citation2006), have a preventative orientation that emphasises local engagement and working in partnership. These models have been adopted to create ‘new obligations on the police to cooperate in the development and implementation of local crime prevention and security strategies’ (Virta Citation2002, p. 191, emphasis added) in Western society since the 1980s (Goldstein Citation1979, Stenning Citation1984, Oliver and Bartgis Citation1998). However, changes in climate and the increased incidence of natural disasters have brought police into contact with emerging forms of risk alongside their crime prevention duties. As a result, some scholars have theorised that police are finding themselves contributing more and more to collaborative communities that are involved in promoting resilience to the hazards associated with climate change and have dubbed this a ‘scientific revolution’ in policing (Mutongwizo et al. Citation2021, Citation2022). In demonstrating the essential role of policing in responding to emergent situations and chaotic crises such as natural disasters, such scholars have also called for further engagement and reshaping of community policing to contribute to combating uncertain landscapes – dubbed ‘harmscapes’ (Mutongwizo et al. Citation2021, Citation2022). Although these significant assessments are based on and applicable to the Global North context, they can also apply to the Global South, including developing countries like Vietnam that operate under authoritarian leaders. For example, to build up and maintain resilience in policing to deal with natural disasters, Western countries prefer to ‘engage and/or might engage in the governance of safety with communities’ (Mutongwizo et al Citation2022 , p. 606) to enhance the role of the police force to collaborate and cooperate with local populations. On the other hand, Western scholars are curious about how Vietnamese policing involves the State and supports local handling of natural disasters (Luong Citation2018, Citation2021). This paper does not assess the transferability of a ‘resilience policing’ model from the Global North to the Global South (or vice versa). However, any similar approaches, distinguishing principles, or effective experiences from non-Western countries could be called on to look for potential strengths and lessons from outside that might improve the resilience of policing in Vietnam. Therefore, our primary purpose is to analyse the approaches of Vietnamese police, in their unique context, to establishing and deploying ‘resilience policing’ to handle natural disasters, thus contributing to the global policing literature. We also identify a knowledge gap concerning empirical research into how police implement FOTS in anticipation of, during, and after disasters in Vietnam. To do this, we focus on three main research questions (RQs), as follows:
RQ1: How is the FOTS related to community-based policing when responding to natural disasters in Vietnam?
RQ2: Why does the PPF prefer to apply FOTS?
RQ3: What are the challenges for the PPF in mitigating, preparing for, responding to, and recovering from disasters using the FOTS model?
Methods
In Vietnam, public security services often pose a barrier to researchers’ gaining ethical approval, particularly international scholars (Jardine Citation2022). To deal with the ‘sensitive political environment’, an ‘appreciative inquiry’ approach is usually adopted to persuade the MPS to approve the study (Jardine Citation2022, pp. 18–20). Yet, to ensure confidentiality and anonymity, some foreign researchers decide not to use unique identifiers for the interview participants (e.g. ranking police officers) (Jardine Citation2022). Conversely, Vietnamese criminologists – including our team, which works closely with police institutions – find it easier to access data as part of the insider-outsider positionalities in Vietnam (Jardine and Luong Citation2024). Besides, we can set up a research team – in this case (senior) police officers – by requesting an internal dispatch to help us connect with participants.
This study reviews the relevant grey literature by conducting desk reviews, selecting case studies, and interviewing key informants. We conducted desk reviews of relevant policies, legislation, and publications on Vietnam’s natural disaster management policies. Further, we retrieved the legal and regulatory documents from Vietnam’s legal database (thuvienphapluat.vn) and MPS websites (Vietnamese). We selected only some typical cases to reflect the role of the PPF in natural disasters between 2010 and 2020 due to ‘the disaggregated data on indicators for the period 1989–2010’ (Luong et al. Citation2011, p. 2). These cases were collected from various resources from the United Nations and non-profit organisations in Vietnam. Brief descriptions of them are provided in .
Table 1. Listing natural disaster cases in Vietnam used in the article.
The key informants (KIs) were identified and recruited using a sample frame of key agencies suggested by our focus group experts at the police training’s institutions.Footnote2 We invited the KIs based on four main criteria. Firstly, regarding experience in the field, participants had to be experts who had worked for at least five years. Secondly, we selected an official from each of the six socio-economic regions to ensure geographical representation. Thirdly, regarding leadership, some of the KIs at least had to be responsible for monitoring and implementing the FOTS motto from headquarters to the local level. Finally, to encompass police rankings, KIs from different levels were selected, either senior or junior officers.
From October to December 2021, 23 officials were invited by phone or through class lectures. Due to COVID-19 restrictions in Vietnam, 12 participants chose a written questionnaire rather than a face-to-face interview. Only six of the participants interviewed via phone held senior management positions (one at headquarters, two in the provinces, and three in the districts). The remaining participants (five) refused to participate due to struggles with health conditions or changing employment positions. This made a final total of 18 participants.
While the average experience working in search and rescue was over 6.5 years, participants’ ranks ranged from junior officers to lieutenant colonel of police. They came from different zones in Vietnam: Metropolitans (Ha Noi and Hai Phong), the Red River Delta region (Thai Binh and Hoa Binh), the Northeastern region (Lao Cai and Yen Bai), and the North-Central region (Ha Tinh, Nghe An, and Quang Binh). The numbers and organisations of participating interviewees are specified in . Their responses were written in Vietnamese for translation into English and then transcribed for analysis.
Table 2. Information of the key informant's participants
In addition to the written questionnaires (collected during in-service police classes at the UFFP), semi-structured interviews of 45–60 min were conducted. The interviews were not recorded but noted in a notebook, as the interviewees requested. The interview questions, which allowed participants to share their roles in FOTS policing, were similarly worded to the questionnaire. All interviews were conducted in Vietnamese (the participants’ mother tongue) and translated into English. NVivo version 12 was used for data coding and key theme categorisation based on the four pillars of the FOTS policing approach (Luong Citation2021).
Findings
This section describes the nature of FOTS in community-based policing approaches to the People’s Police Force when responding to natural disasters. It acknowledges previous studies (Luong Citation2021) and aligns with the recent guidelines of the Ministry of Public Security for policing disasters (Nguyen et al. Citation2021a, Citation2021b, Tran Citation2022). To analyse how Vietnamese police carry out their functions in anticipation of a natural disaster, during a disaster, and in response to a disaster, the current findings are presented in three main stages: before, during, and after.
Before a natural disaster
There are at least four main steps when preparing to deal with a disaster: (1) setting up a leader’s role on the spot, (2) issuing an urgent dispatch to call for further forces, (3) balancing the budget and logistics to meet needs and supply equipment, and (4) approaching the local scene to help citizens set up a protective plan.
Firstly, in any circumstance, the priority is to set up a leadership apparatus to prepare for a natural disaster (FOTS-1). Typically, the core members of the apparatus are the local authorities, agencies, and political organisations or political-society organisations. FFF and other police teams on site are core human resources and the first-hand groups at the preparation stage. Establishing the on-the-spot apparatus and appointing a leader ensures that all activities are done promptly and efficiently. A colonel at FFF headquarters described how preparations were begun before super-typhoon Damrey struck Vietnam in 2017:
We used a top-down model. Thus, whenever the highest level [headquarters] orders detailed plans, we would interpret these requirements immediately from our current level [province] to the lower level [district and commune]. It was an order! Nothing more, nothing less! (Interviewee #1)
Our leader advised on developing long-term and short-term plans before the typhoon came. This involved advising on the formulation, implementation, urging and inspection of the implementation of climate change response plans, natural disaster prevention and control, accident and injury prevention and control, and search and rescue at police units and localities. (Interviewee #3)
It [the urgent dispatch] includes (1) the temporary situation of the storm, based on official information from the government, (2) detailed forecasts of their related consequences (e.g. time, location, and level of the storm), (3) immediate actions to deal with this storm. (Interviewee #2)
By doing this, we want to ensure all forces and local communities fully understand the roles and functions of each scenario that we structured and designed. (Interviewer #4)
We create a list of core police agencies [traffic, task force, fire, and rescue] that will participate in flood prevention and rescue, along with a reserve list of backup agencies [local police stations] that can be deployed whenever necessary. (Interviewer #5)
Each team member is required to frequently practise skills for natural disaster prevention, especially necessary rescue skills, to familiarise themselves with specific tasks such as recognising the area where they are in charge, the team members, and the necessary equipment and materials. (Interviewee #6)
They fostered skills with all vehicles in their units and localities, such as lifeboats, motorcycles, canoes, ships, and other equipment. (Interviewee #8)
Following the FOTS motto – proactively prevent, respond promptly, and overcome quickly and effectively – at our station, we focused on stockpiling gasoline, oil, food, drinking water, medicine, and necessities … to meet the demand. (Interviewee #8)
At this time [five days before the flood], we divided into two: half at our station for maintaining communications and the other half at the scene for preparing the residents. (Interviewer #7)
Unified command and close coordination among the forces involved in disaster response and search and rescue to ensure the safety of people and vehicles participating in incident response, natural disasters, and search and rescue, and to contribute to minimising the damage caused by natural disasters. (Interviewee #9)
We are the people’s police – policing of the people, policing by the people, and policing for the people; thus, we must serve them. (Interviewee #11)
Depending on the type of landscape – sea, land, or remote area – police implement different forms of help. On the sea, for example, they inform and approach fishermen on boats to protect the safety of people and property. A lieutenant of police at Quang Binh analysed:
We [police patrol on the sea] coordinate with departments, branches, and mass organisations to review and keep a list of the number of vehicles and fishermen operating at sea and guide them to safe shelters. (Interviewee #10)
We set up four teams of 12–15 officers to go to each household to strengthen the house, cut down trees, trim branches and evacuate affected people. (Interviewee # 12)
We patrol this location 24/7 to check on the dangerous and prohibited areas that often suffer heavy damage by flash floods and landslides, and we ban all vehicle entry. (Interviewee #13)
During a natural disaster
When disasters occur, the fastest and most effective way to provide rescue and support is to use available forces. Accordingly, police perform a role comparable to night-watchmen alongside armed forces, local military standing units, and Youth Union members. It comprises four main contributions: (1) monitoring the movement of the storm, (2) ensuring traffic safety, (3) setting up the search team, and 4) maintaining order.
Firstly, regarding monitoring the scene, police play a significant role in controlling the chaos of a disaster. The local PPF is mobilised to ensure security and order when storms and floods occur in emergent disasters (FOTS-2, 3, 4). A deputy head of Yen Bai’s police analysed:
Many of my colleagues from different districts volunteered to come. We mobilised nearly 1,000 cadres and many special vehicles and equipment to the flooded area to evacuate people and relocate assets to safe places. (Interviewee #14)
Many valuable assets of the local minorities, with our unlimited assistance, have been transported to safe areas. (Interviewee #15)
We plan to present immediately at these ‘hot spot’ areas of downed wires and/or broken trees to control and contribute to traffic divergence to make travel safer. (Interviewee 8)
Under our leader, we created four dynamic teams and gave each clear duties. I was in the first group, which directed citizens through non-working traffic lights. The rest of my colleagues focused on (1) putting roadblocks in the areas where the crisis was underway, (2) rerouting random traffic to safer roads and trying to keep out all unnecessary traffic, and (3) moving out everything that obstructed the traffic on the roads. (Interviewee #13)
As part of OSRT, my team was ordered to contact only vulnerable groups [mentally ill, children, and elderly] and transport them out of the danger zones. Our group was provided with special equipment to search for victims in floods and storms, such as rescue lifeboats, canoes, and trucks, and health supplements for those residents during rescues. (Interviewee #16)
Fourthly, maintaining social order in a disaster is a compulsory duty for the PPF (FOTS-1). When people are evacuated from homes or neighbourhoods, houses are left unsupervised, and opportunities to commit crimes may be rampant. Police presence may help to deter looting. If looting does occur, the police are ready to apprehend suspects. For example, in referring to the super typhoon Doksuri of 2017, which resulted in severe property losses, the Captain of Quang Binh province shared his experience:
I instructed and requested our colleagues to regularly use loudspeakers to inform people about the tricks of thieves in the storm, especially warning people in low-lying and flooded areas. We advised that before leaving their houses to move to a safe place, they should store valuable assets in a safe place and lock the door firmly. Also, if they saw anyone acting suspiciously, to contact their nearest police station immediately. (Interviewee #11)
After a natural disaster
The post-disaster phase covers activities in the fields of recovery, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. It also allows the development of disaster risk-reduction measures, which can be applied during the next pre-disaster phase (that is, Phase 1 – before the disaster).
Firstly, the police guide the recovery of essential services to ensure the safety and well-being of residents (FOTS-1, 2). They are involved in restoring, repairing, and providing the basic services to enable life to return to normalcy. Accordingly, they prioritise clean water, power, roads, schools and (re)arranging properties. As Deputy Chief of the Department of FFF in Nghe An analysed regarding post-flooding in 2020:
When the flood level fell, I ordered 60 officers to divide into three groups and go to localities to help people clean up and cut down fallen trees on many roads. In addition, they dredged mud and cleaned and sanitised more than 25 tons of waste on the inner roads of Quy Chau mountain town, with a total length of nearly 4 km, before cleaning six kindergartens, primary schools, and village cultural locations. (Interviewee #4)
We nominated many medical doctors of police teams to offer free examinations, distribute free medicine, and support environmental treatments at all flood-affected places to help our locals. (Interviewee #9)
Secondly, police continue their obligations to maintain social order, regulate traffic, and organise search-and-rescue teams (FOTS-1). After a disaster, some unscrupulous people may take advantage of the chaos to commit property crimes. Interviewees commented along the lines:
They act from a mercenary motive while their neighbours are facing difficulties; we are police and do not allow them the freedom to do this. (Interviewees #2, 6, 8).
We used scuba diving equipment combined with special canoes to search for and rescue three missing persons at the Ngan Sau River after the flood waters dropped. (Interviewee #6).
Following the guidance of our leadership [MPS], we encourage all units to mobilise cadres and soldiers to uphold the spirit of ‘good leaves cover torn leaves’ and support people in areas affected by storms and floods. As a ranking-based classification, based on voluntary attitudes, we usually contribute less than our higher senior officials. (Interviewee #10)
Finally, (re)reviewing and (re)assessing all sides post-disaster is one of the core requirements for police in Vietnam. There are two main purposes: (1) to evaluate their specific activities before and during the disaster and (2) to (re)build their plans based on current lessons for the next disaster seasons. Based on the four fundamental principles of FOTS, the PPF reviews, supplements, and adjusts its completed plans immediately after a disaster. As the Deputy Head of FFF of Thai Binh stated:
It is a compulsory regulation for our forces! Whenever our recovery and support process in the local areas is done, we will gather all staff, including officials at the scene and others at the station on duty, to evaluate, exchange, and discuss what did or did not work and how we will look towards the next season. (Interviewee #18)
Discussion
This section discusses the three research questions (RQs) in order. Combining the above findings with previous studies, from either a Global North or Global South policing context, it analyses the nature of FOTS in policing to respond to natural disasters in Vietnam. It will not confirm or promote the FOTS model as the best pathway to apply in a crisis. Instead, our findings examine why and how Vietnamese police select FOTS as part of community-based policing strategies to mobilise the powerful resources in the community to implement policing tactics before, during, and after a disaster.
The symbiotic relations between FOTS and CBP in responding to natural disasters (RQ1)
While police in Western societies create ‘social capital and build community resilience’ (Mutongwizo et al. Citation2022, p. 4), Vietnam’s pre-disaster preparations rely on the central ideology of the communist state. The first response to an emergent disaster is always to call for consolidated powers from local communities (Luong Citation2018, Citation2021, Nguyen et al. Citation2021a, Nguyen Citation2022). In other words, policing in FOTS specialises in building up the police’s professional powers and specific tactics by collaborating with local citizens to respond to disasters. It is quite similar to the concept of resilience policing, whereby ‘police act as facilitators/enablers in community capacity-building; there is a mutual dependency between the police and community’ to deal with ‘new and uncertain harms’ (Mutongwizo et al. Citation2021, p. 611). In essence, police cannot do everything or be everywhere and must look to the locals to help them maintain social order (Quarantelli Citation1997). A high-ranking official at FFF headquarters highlighted:
We have to rely on support, collaboration, and cooperation from our local communities to deploy our preparation, mitigation, response, and recovery tactics in a disaster. (Interviewee #1)
Preferring FOTS in Vietnam: A different perspective to policing natural disasters? (RQ2)
As the case of Vietnam’s police explains (see Findings section), the FOTS approach emphasises communities’ active involvement in all disaster risk management phases. Depending on residents’ resources, police also design and conduct relevant strategies to mitigate the risks and harms of disasters (Luong Citation2021). Therefore, community-based disaster risk management in policing is a process whereby police engage at-risk communities in identifying, analysing, treating, monitoring, and evaluating disaster risks to reduce their vulnerabilities and enhance their capacities (Nguyen Citation2022, Tran Citation2022). The decision-making process is typically structured as a hierarchal top-down approach to policing, calling for all citizens to deploy the FOTS in Vietnam (Luong Citation2021). It is consistent with the latest systematic literature review of best practices for police, which includes the need to communicate effectively during major crises (Hine and Bragias Citation2021). From 15 final publications (out of 11,532), Hine and Bragias (Citation2021, p. 1504) recommended that ‘in a crisis event [natural disaster], it is important to have a non-hierarchal decentralised structure of communication and decision-making’. Accordingly, Vietnam’s police structures operate under the one communist-led model that requires policing in FOTS to follow the hierarchal top-down flow by relying on residents (Luong Citation2021, Nguyen et al. Citation2021a, Tran Citation2022, Tran et al. Citation2022). It means that people are at the heart of the decision-making and implementation of disaster risk management activities. The capacities of local people are enhanced to help them assess the situation, identify risk-reduction measures, and implement them (Nguyen et al. Citation2021a, Citation2021b). As a lieutenant colonel of Nghe An police confirmed:
… preferring and encouraging our officials [police] to rely on residents to respond to the disaster is not new in CBP’s model of Vietnam, and even, we always do it.
In Vietnam, the role of commanders in implementing their orders, instructions, and related duties plays an essential part in steering their police units to respond to disasters (Luu et al. Citation2018, Nguyen Citation2022, Tran Citation2022). By maintaining leadership on the spot (FOTS-1), those chiefs will understand the needs of human resources (FOTS-2), the quotas of logistic requirements (FOTS-3), and the volume of equipment (FOTS-4) for (re)adjusting their strategies to ensure that policing operations are more achievable (Nguyen Citation2021, Nguyen Citation2022). Moreover, establishing leadership on the spot contributes to deploying resilient policing strategies and creating a trust-building matrix between police and the local community (Luong et al. Citation2020, Luong Citation2021, Nguyen et al. Citation2021b). Furthermore, FOTS policing in Vietnam has not received complaints from or aroused distrust in local communities in most selected cases in this study (Luu et al. Citation2018, Nguyen Citation2022, Tran et al. Citation2022).
Responding to natural disasters through implementing FOTS policing (RQ3)
Almost all disasters draw crowds. Some people hope for a glimpse of the unfolding drama, while others are family members and friends of the victims who show up in the hope of gleaning information about their loved ones as soon as possible (Quarantelli Citation1997). The people involved in the situation also have uncontrolled behaviours owing to the unpredictability and impacts of disasters, especially if injured or in shock (Bonkiewicz and Ruback Citation2010). This leads to several challenges for police in disaster management. Police agencies are ‘ubiquitous in disasters … to facilitate evacuations, conduct search and rescue operations, render aid to victims, control traffic and crowds, patrol for looters, and assist in inspecting damaged dwellings’ (Bonkiewicz and Ruback Citation2010, p. 374). Yet, the lack of research on how police prepare, mitigate, respond, and recover from a disaster may cause them to neglect their duties when disaster strikes. Some important studies point out these concerns for policing activities (Bonkiewicz and Ruback Citation2010, Varano and Schafer Citation2012, Hine and Bragias Citation2021, Mutongwizo et al. Citation2021). However, most of these studies come from a Western policing background. From Vietnam’s perspective, based on the mixed resources in this first study, we highlight some specific challenges in police deploying FOTS.
Firstly, for FOTS-1 (leadership), practical barriers still hamper collaboration and cooperation between the FFF and PPF agencies, particularly in the leadership, which can diminish the effectiveness of operations. Information about the strategies and operations involved in these forces preparing for, mitigating, responding to, and recovering from a disaster is inconsistently conveyed to residents. Whenever extremely serious uncertainties and complicated scenarios call for large search-and-rescue operations, the police leadership is ‘limited to mobilising human resources and equipment’, according to the deputy minister of the MPS (Tran Citation2022, pp. 19–20).
Secondly, for FOTS-2 (human resources), all PPF officials in natural disaster management hold parallel positions rather than forming a special task force. Their professional activities also do not occur frequently enough to enable them to train and educate others regarding search and rescue. Apart from the FFF staff trained under the standard UFPF curriculum, PPF staff are inexperienced at deploying certain practices on the scene. The Captain of Quangbinh shared:
We only practise the hypothesised plans sometimes or whenever the headquartered guidelines require it. (Interviewee #11)
Thirdly, for FOTS-3 (material), almost all PPF agencies at the local level lack a specialised disaster warning system to monitor and supervise areas at high risk of natural disasters. They must depend on special agencies from different sectors to update guidelines before planning and conducting their professional strategies. An MPS colonel assumed:
We are the central office to support the leader to control and manage the disaster; however, all specific forecasts will have to wait for the government. (Interviewee #2)
Fourthly, for FOTS-4 (logistics), the scaling of the national budget to invest and develop for the FFF is still limited. Personal protection equipment and its special tools and vehicles in responding to storms, landslides, and floodings are irrelevant to the on-the-ground requirements. Particularly in vulnerable regions, such as a remote commune with limited access, the proactive storage of essential materials and fundamental resources to serve FOTS is unsuitable due to limited finances. A senior lieutenant of Hatinh police expressed the concern:
Well, responding to the disaster is part of the emergent issues in our budgets … as you may know, our team is facing transnational crimes from the neighbouring country [Laos]. (Interviewee #6)
Conclusions
Given its geophysics, topography, and climatology, Vietnam is a disaster-prone country. Each type of disaster has a relatively high frequency, different characteristics, a broad scope in impact depending on the situation, and often causes substantial damage. Any evaluation of disaster management, including the police force’s responses, must operate in the real world, not the ideal world (Quarantelli Citation1997). Recently, the resilience-policing framework called for ‘enrolling resources from other actors’ in community resources to deal with emerging ‘harmscapes’ in Western society (Mutongwizo et al. Citation2021, pp. 611–612). In Vietnam, collaborating, encouraging, and relying on residents are compulsory to deploy policing in FOTS. Based on our empirical approach, the police’s contributions in Vietnam to FOTS before, during, and after disasters play a pivotal role in emergency management work. In particular, as part of the resilience-policing reforms, ‘police act as facilitators and enablers who identify, and build the capacities required for communities to effectively anticipate and respond’ (Mutongwizo et al. Citation2021, p. 607) in the model of FOTS policing (either FOTS-1 for leadership or FOTS-2 for human resources). Yet, to some extent, resilience policing in Vietnam is also an extension of a command-and-control approach (Pearce and Fortune Citation1995, Bordua and Reiss Citation1996), and the FOTS approach demonstrates governmental capacity as opposed to signifying an attempt to compensate for the lack of governmental capacity through the strategies of enlisting and enrolling other actors (either FOTS-3 for supplies or FOTS-4 for logistics).
However, whenever police involve mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery to support residents in a disaster, they often face practical challenges at the scene. Besides, police are directly or indirectly impacted by ‘uncertain, unpredictable, and catastrophic harmscapes’ (Mutongwizo et al. Citation2021, p. 610). This requires Vietnamese authorities to focus more on investing in police to solve the above four difficulties. Our evidence does not confirm whether the most effective FOTS contributions applying in the Global North are transferable from Vietnam. The different state-citizen relations and ideology in Vietnam and the West may limit their transfer.
Future research should consider whether and how Vietnam should perform a large-scale needs assessment analysis on training in all PPF agencies and units responding to disasters. Along with exercises, other indispensable factors to maintain robust preparedness are drills and regular rehearsals. Focusing on these in their ordinary campaigns will not only help local units reduce the prevailing tendency to use untrained troops in disaster response but also ensure the effectiveness of the response operations conducted during the disaster. Also, taking care of the health and well-being of police officers should be recognised as a core strategy.
Based on our findings, the Ministry of Public Security should propose a national program with specific regulations to educate and train police officers in mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery. The design and evaluation of these programs should be referred to regional contexts and local situations in Vietnam because the specific framework for resilience policing in new and uncertain harms may fit with some but not others. This would yield more precise and useful learning opportunities for online and offline design to help police gain professional knowledge before confronting a real disaster.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank the voluntary participants for sharing their perspectives during the interviews. The first author thanks for introducing this special issue from A/Prof Cao Ngoc Anh, the People's Public Security Academy of Vietnam. We are also grateful for the helpful feedback from the editors and other contributors when discussing this special issue at virtual meetings.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 In Vietnam, there currently is no systemized methodology, single tool, or specific software for the analysis of disaster data. Disaster damage data are collected by government agencies through a parallel data collection and collation system operated by the Central Committee for Flood and Storm Control under the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development (renamed in 2017 as the Central Steering Committee for Natural Disaster Prevention and Control, CSCNDPC) and by the General Statistics Office (GSO) under the Ministry for Planning and Investment (MPI). The data collected through the CSCNDPC system are commonly referred to as the Damage and Needs Assessment System (DANA). Under DANA, data are collected through one template containing more than 150 indicators. The data are collected and collated from the commune up to the middle level. At the intermediate level, data are stored by the CSCNDPC in a central DANA database.
2 The PPA and the UFPF approved the study and provided an official permission letter to contact KIs. The study received ethics approval from both the PPA and the UFPF.
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