Exploring the Experiences of Regional and Rural Revictimized Women in a Group Empowerment Program

ABSTRACT

Sexual revictimization can have a negative impact on many facets of women’s wellbeing, yet limited evidence exists regarding specific interventions that support healing and the reduction of further revictimization. This paper will explore regional and rural women’s experience of a group-based empowerment program, the Shark Cage program, in Victoria, Australia. The “Shark Cage” program aims to address revictimization by empowering women and girls to build personal boundaries and assertiveness within the context of gender equality and human rights. Data were collected via participant observations across the 8-week program, in combination with semi-structured interviews with participants (N = 11) pre and post intervention. All participants had access to therapeutic support outside of the program. Findings indicate that the program fostered connections among women with shared experiences of sexual revictimization, reducing feelings of isolation. Participants detailed the benefit of developing and practicing skills in reducing revictimization, such as assertiveness and boundary setting. Program learning and recovery was embedded within a network of embodied emotions, social connections, cultural norms and place-based relations that influenced how participants recovery could be understood, processed and addressed.

KEYWORDS:

• Child sex abuse
• revictimization
• rural
• regional
• women
• healing
• program

Sexual violence is a pervasive violation of human rights that can have negative impacts on many facets of victim/survivors’ health and wellbeing. Although any experience of sexual violence can be traumatic, evidence consistently highlights that sexual revictimization (an experience of child sexual abuse (CSA) followed by encounters with adult sexual or physical violence) has worse health outcomes than single episodes of sexual violence (Arata, 1999; Casey & Nurius, 2005; Gidycz et al., 1993). Sexual revictimization is associated with depressive and anxiety disorders and higher levels of suicide ideation (Edwards & Banyard, 2022), high levels of self-blame (Mokma et al., 2016), Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (Hébert et al., 2021; Ullman & Peter-Hagene, 2016; Ullman et al., 2009), Complex PTSD (Cloitre et al., 2009) and physical conditions such as cardiovascular diseases (Friedman et al., 2015) and endometriosis (Harris et al., 2018). This research aims to explore regional and rural women’s experience of a group-based empowerment program in Victoria, Australia, through a material feminist lens.

Revictimization

Revictimization is typically characterized as the experience of child sexual abuse (CSA) followed by encounters with adult sexual or physical violence (Messman-Moore & Long, 1996, 2003). A comprehensive meta-analytic review by Walker et al. (2019) found that across 80 studies, the mean prevalence of sexual revictimization was 47.9%, suggesting that nearly half of CSA victim/survivors experienced further sexual violence. The challenge in defining revictimization lies in identifying what constitutes violence and distinguishing between stages of childhood and adulthood (Mayall & Gold, 1995). Furthermore, it is recognized that various forms of violence and abuse frequently co-occur (Li et al., 2019). For the purposes of this research article, we define revictimization as the occurrence of two instances of interpersonal violence spanning an individual’s life. Our definition intentionally remains broad to encompass a spectrum of experiences and to examine how violence persists throughout women’s lives. However, when feasible, we specify the particular form of violence experienced, whether it be sexual, physical, or emotional.

Sexual violence prevention

There are limited prevention programs that specifically address sexual revictimization (Blackwell et al., 2004; Walker & Wamser-Nanney, 2022), with most sexual assault prevention research focusing on psychoeducation programs among female college students (Senn et al., 2017). The rationale for sexual assault prevention programs typically revolves around supporting women to develop knowledge and skills empowering them to deal with situations related to the threat of sexual violence, helping them to recognize potential danger (Marx et al., 2001). Prevention programs assume that by increasing awareness and providing tools for recognizing threats, women’s vulnerability to revictimization will decrease. Indeed, limited revictimization studies suggest that programs focused on psychoeducation of sexual assault and rape, as well as information on risk factors and protective behaviors, supports a reduction in trauma symptomatology (Hébert & Bergeron, 2007; Tourigny et al., 2005; Smith & Kelly, 2008) and a reduction in future revictimization (Marx et al., 2001).

Primary prevention interventions are typically proactive measures intended to prevent incidents before they occur, whereas treatment programs usually address issues post-incident aiming to provide therapeutic support to individuals who have experienced trauma. Despite this differentiation, there are programs that seek to bridge both these approaches. The aim is not only to support individuals in the aftermath of trauma, but also to impart preventative skills to safeguard against future harm.

The Shark Cage program, developed by Melbourne psychologist Ursula Benstead, is a skill-based framework aimed at educating and empowering women to prevent revictimization, with a focus on gender inequality and human rights (Benstead, 2011). Using the metaphor of a “shark cage” to represent personal boundaries and rights, it teaches that revictimization is influenced by one’s environment rather than being a personal flaw. The program emphasizes the importance of developing a strong “shark cage” from an early age to protect against “sharks,” or predators, with the understanding that some women may have challenges with this due to insufficient early support (Benstead, 2011; McKenzie, 2012). While not specifically designed for CSA victim/survivors, the Shark Cage framework covers topics like understanding abuse, reinforcing personal boundaries, and recognizing early warning signs over eight sessions. Within this study, sexual assault counselors who facilitated the program tailored the content to emphasize coping with sexual violence and sexual revictimization.

Although not formally evaluated through peer-reviewed research, an informal pilot of the Shark Cage program in 2018 with 40 female high school students in New South Wales and Victoria showed promising outcomes, with participants demonstrating significant positive development in 10 out of 12 evaluated areas (Benstead & Hughes, 2019).

Regional and rural location

There is limited evidence detailing sexual revictimization experiences within a regional and rural context, both globally and within Australia (Corbett et al., 2022). This includes research exploring regional and rural sexual revictimization treatment programs. This is concerning considering evidence that suggests rates of violence against women may be higher within non-urban locations (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2019; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006). Non-urban women also face specific geographical and social barriers when seeking access to support and treatment. This can include limited support services, a lack of public transport options, and densely populated close-knit communities that impact women’s ability to access services confidentially (Campo & Tayton, 2015; Wendt et al., 2017). For the purposes of this article regional is defined as “non-urban centers with a population over 25,000 and with relatively good access to services,” and “rural” is defined as “non-urban localities of under 25,000 with reduced accessibility” (Roufeil & Battye, 2008 cited in Wendt et al., 2017). In contrast, major urban areas (cities) are defined as having populations of more than 100,000 people (Australian Bureau of Statistic, 2024).

The aim of this study is to explore the experiences of regional and rural victim/survivors as they participate in a group-based empowerment program designed to facilitate healing and reduction in risk of future revictimization.

Theoretical framework

This paper utilizes a material feminist approach (Barad, 2007), offering a way of understanding how matter, objects, humans and discourses are entangled and how these relations shape power dynamics and inequalities. Though this study was not set up to longitudinally examine whether the program reduced women’s future experiences of sexual revictimization, our approach enabled us to delve into the intricate ways in which the program interacts with and influences the differing material-discursive forces that shape women’s experiences of victimization and healing. The term material-discursive highlights that both the material (matter, bodies, physical environments) and discursive (language, discourse) co-constitute experience and thus must both be examined (Barad, 2007). For instance, this approach enabled a nuanced understanding of how the program seeks to alter women’s relationship with various external forces, such as stereotypes, gossip, negative beliefs, connections with other victim/survivors, comfort levels in public spaces as survivors and their engagement in the program sessions. A feminist material approach enabled us to develop a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the experiences of women in regional and rural areas. Often sexual violence is understood in terms of power relations between men and women, or perpetrator and victim/survivors, highlighting the impact of human dynamics in women’s experience of violence. However, this framework doesn’t readily explain why women in regional or rural areas may face higher risks of violence (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2019), or why victim/survivors are at risk of further sexual violence. We require a framework that enables us to understand sexual violence in a context that accounts for location, culture, policies, systems, and services. Without it, we risk perceiving victim/survivors as solely responsible for their vulnerability or attributing their experiences to “risk factors.” A material feminist framework underlines the importance of understanding context and how it informs vulnerability, and ultimately guides our discussion on the program’s role in this context as outlined below.

Method

The results reported on in this paper formed one outcome of a research partnership aiming to improve understanding of sexual revictimization within regional/rural areas. Partnering with a sexual violence organization, our project is informed by a Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR) approach (Israel et al., 2012). CBPR is an approach to research that actively involves community partners in all aspects of the research process. Moving beyond academic interpretation, CBPR enables a more comprehensive understanding of sexual revictimization experiences by involving and platforming the insights and lived experiences of community partners and victim/survivors. Collaborating with specialist sexual assault counselors enabled us to develop trauma and violence informed methods that were culturally appropriate and tailored to the needs and realities of victim/survivors (Campbell et al., 2019). The aim of our CBPR approach was to increase knowledge and understanding of sexual revictimization, and to provide research and policy interventions to improve the prevention and response to sexual revictimization.

Procedure

This study involved two components: first, the lead researcher observed eight sessions of the Shark Cage program being run by a specialist sexual assault service in a regional/rural area; this was followed by semi-structured in-depth interviews with women who participated in the program. The Shark Cage program was run by experienced sexual assault counselors employed by the sexual assault service, the program was not developed specifically for this research study. Rather, the program provided an opportunity for the researchers to learn more about the program and assess how it supported participants experiences of healing.

Ethics approval was obtained from La Trobe University Human Research Ethics Committee (HEC21036). Women were recruited through regional and rural community organizations across Victoria, Australia. Service staff assisted with recruitment by providing information to clients who met inclusion criteria. Inclusion criteria for the program and interviews included identifying as a woman, being over 18, having experienced revictimization, living in a regional and rural location and currently residing in a safe and stable home environment. The participant sample was comprised solely of cisgender women, although both cisgender and transgender women were eligible to participate. For the purposes of this article, revictimization is defined as two instances of interpersonal violence across the lifespan.

Sample

Twelve participants were recruited for the program and interviews. One participant withdrew during the interview phase due to an experience of revictimization, another participant withdrew from the program after the first session but chose to participate in an interview. Most participants were Caucasian (N = 9), with two identifying as Culturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD). As children, most participants experienced CSA (N = 10), many women also reported child physical and emotional abuse, neglect and witnessing FV. As adults, women experienced intimate partner violence (IPV), intimate partner sexual violence (IPSV) and sexual violence by known persons.

Informed consent was obtained from all participants, where they were informed that all activities (including the pre/post interview with the PhD researcher, and eight-week Shark Cage program) are voluntary, and that they can withdraw at any time. The program consisted of eight sessions (and one conclusion session) held across 13 weeks, including breaks for school holidays. Two senior staff from the sexual assault organization ran the program, while the lead author observed the sessions and took notes. Participants were informed that sexual assault counselors, including the two facilitators, were available at any time during the program and outside of program hours if needed. Several participants utilized this support both during and outside of the program.

The aim of observing the program was to witness and document interactions, experiences and processes occurring within the program sessions to gain insight into the impact of the program on women’s experiences of victimization and healing. To achieve this, the researcher’s observations focused on understanding how the program influenced women’s perceptions and experiences, including whether participants developed a new understanding of their own experiences, how they engaged with others’ narratives and the role of empathy building with others.

Two semi-structured interviews were held with each of the 11 participants, two to three months apart. The second interviews were undertaken to create an opportunity for participants to share further thoughts and reflections on issues or experiences discussed in the first interview, and to hear about participants experiences in the group program. As participants were previously required to share their experiences of sexual violence with multiple service providers, including psychologists, counselors, police, the legal system and religious institutions, we did not directly ask about their experience of sexual violence. Interview questions asked about demographic information, the community women resided in, experiences of sexual violence support services, general opinions on sexual violence and sexual revictimization in regional/rural areas, and experiences in the group program. Participants were advised that they could choose to discuss their personal experiences if they wished, and nearly all opted to share their stories.

Each interview ran for up to one and a half hours. Following each interview, women were provided referral information and gifted a $50 Coles/Myer gift card. Women’s narratives were transcribed verbatim, and each participant was assigned a pseudonym to protect anonymity. Member checking of transcripts was utilized to ensure that data collected accurately reflected participants narratives.

Thematic analysis was used to identify themes and analyze patterns within observation and interview data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Observation notes were treated as transcripts, documenting details of what the lead author observed, sensed, and felt throughout the program sessions. To ensure accuracy, observation notes were cross-checked against interview transcript data. Identification of themes and analysis of data was directly informed by a material feminist framework (Barad, 2007), which attuned attention to a variety of material-discursive influences that contextualized participant’s victimization and healing journeys such as other participants, the physical program space, regional and rural geographical settings, discussion topics and embodied emotions. NVivo was used to sort and code data into key themes.

Findings

Of the 11 women interviewed, four participants lived in rural areas and seven lived in regional areas. Across the women’s lives, they had lived in remote, rural, regional and metropolitan areas. Most of the women were born and grew up in rural areas and were aged between 20 and 70 years.

The transformative potential of safe space and shared experience

Participants described the group program as a safe space where they felt less alone than they had previously felt in their experiences of revictimization. Safety was enhanced via connections with other participants, shared experiences, clear group agreements and a trauma informed approach allowing for choice in participation. For some participants, this approach supported a shift in internalized self-blame. For example, Charlie shared that knowing that each participant had experiences of sexual violence meant she was able to speak about her experience without fear of being judged for being inarticulate.

I enjoyed going there, it felt safe and knowing all the women, you know, had been in similar situations and that it was a safe place where nobody would judge you or … (…) you know, judge what I wear, what I look like, or what I said, ’cause I felt like such an idiot at times because I can’t express.

As articulated by Ivy, “in a world so large when you experience a traumatic event, you know you’re only one person and you’re surrounded by people that just don’t get it.” Being in a supportive environment surrounded by other victim/survivors meant that participants felt less isolated and alone in their experiences, as detailed by Mandy, “we aren’t on our own with this, that was the biggest thing.” Listening to other women share their insights had an empowering influence on Mandy, including reducing the impact that the perpetrator had on her life.

[The program is] sometimes the first time you’ve really even identified in a public space, well it’s a private space but it’s public, as a person who’s been, um, had, um, sexual assault, been sexually assaulted, that was empowering in itself (…) So his hold or you know my yuck feeling, if it comes up or if I dream about it or I think about it, it’s less, it’s diminished.

Before beginning the program, several participants expressed anxiety at the thought of having to share their personal experiences. However, after the first session, a group agreement was established allowing participants to feel a sense of control over what they shared. For Ivy, this built a sense of security.

From the first session, as we started talking about, you know, the group rules and what people consider important to them in terms of feeling safe within the group. Over the next couple of sessions, I started to develop, as I got to know them, I started to develop a sense of security because it was clear from the start that we weren’t expected to share our absolute story.

A group agreement was particularly important considering that participants lived in surrounding regional and rural areas. In such environments, people may have overlapping social, professional, or familial connections, making it more challenging to maintain privacy. Therefore, establishing a group agreement becomes crucial to ensure that all participants understand and commit to respecting the confidentiality of what is shared during group sessions. For Patsy, having a confidential space to discuss issues regarding revictimization experiences enabled her to build a sense of agency and power.

You can’t really do it with your own friends and family. And so you have no voice there. So, to come into that situation, you actually have a voice, you know, quite separate to talking to your psychologist (…) the boundaries [facilitators] set at the beginning were really, really helpful.

Taking part in the program actively diminished Chloe’s tendency toward self-blame, in part, by witnessing the struggles and resilience of other participants. The transformative power of unity, support and validation among participants allowed the group to challenge the societal narratives of blame and shame that are so often weaponized against women, enabling Chloe to re-frame her experience.

I would never blame any of those women, so I’ve had to sort of re-evaluate my own self-blame, (…) like on my questionnaire thing in the first week I marked my self-blame quite high. And then I marked it lower – like lots lower during the last week. And I was like “Oh wow! Like I never … ” like I kind of knew it but I hadn’t really connected that until I saw it visually.

Although the program was helpful in shifting self-blame for several participants, the messaging did not always fit with people’s experiences. In the first session, Mandy highlighted that the sentiment “we didn’t cause it” was well meaning, but incongruent with what she knew to be her experience. The discussion that followed created tension in the room and highlighted the ways “agency” and “causality” become more intricate and nuanced when discussing personal experiences of violence. For example, some victim/survivors may seek a holistic understanding of the multiple and diverse influences that contribute to sexual violence writ large, as common approaches to combatting individual shame and victim-blaming often concentrate solely on perpetrator behavior (Hartnell, 2016). For Mandy, placing sole cause with the perpetrator left her feeling confused as to why she was attending the group session to address her experiences of revictimization. From a material feminist lens, this moment prompted consideration of the dispersed nature of agency, and the ways that straight forward cause-and-effect conclusions regarding perpetration oversimplify women’s experiences. As argued by Mandy, individual choices, in combination with learnt behaviors and family histories provide a space for agency to be both restricted and expressed within these folds of complexity.

I really struggled with, uh, I think one or other of the presenters saying that, it happened to us and that we weren’t complicit, or we weren’t, you know, we didn’t cause it. I understand that, but I do feel that because of shit boundaries, that’s why it happened. So, I did partake in it, part of it.

Fostering healing and empowerment

A trauma informed environment for boundary setting and skill development

The program provided a trauma informed and strengths-based learning environment, which recognized that early experiences of violence and abuse shape women’s ability to recognize “sharks” and assert boundaries. Participants were supported to understand that they had physical, sexual, emotional, social, financial and spiritual rights, and that setting boundaries is a fundamental part of defending these rights. Learning components were coupled with skill-based activities that provided the opportunity for participants to put into practice what they had learnt. For others, the program acted as a reminder and reinforcer of previous counseling work.

For many participants, a key highlight of the program was learning about and practicing setting boundaries. As detailed by Chloe.

I really liked the boundary setting part of it. Like that was really something that I wasn’t very good at (…) I didn’t really know what a boundary was (…) I’d never really sort of learnt how to set boundaries. Like often I would be in situations, and I’d be like “I’m a bit uncomfortable but I’m sure it’s fine.”

For Chloe, practicing setting boundaries in a safe and controlled environment enabled her to stay calm in the face of triggering emotions, highlighting the importance of skill-based activities that support strengthening of executive functioning.

like it was different in the group – like I was able to sort of stay calm when in the actual situation I kind of. flipped out a little bit (…) So it felt nice to sort of redo that in like a safer space.

For Courtney, the program supported her to reestablish a sense of personal rights that had been missing. In her final interview, she reported she had successfully been able to set boundaries with a family member following the program, and that she was actively challenging the internalized guilt she normally felt which resulted in her always being available for other people. She reported “more confidence” in not tolerating bad behavior and people crossing established boundaries.

For Harmony, strategies and tools shared throughout the program enabled her to stay connected when triggered, meaning she was less likely to fall into a “collapsed mode.” She felt she “gained a bit more insight into what I can do in those situations so that I can sort of identify some of those boundaries and be able to engage in the dialogue about them with other people and stand up for myself more.” Although Harmony felt a strong kinship with the other participants and the experiences they had shared, at other times, she felt that the “firm fierce kind of line” about boundary setting within relationships lacked a level of nuance that was present in her day-to-day life. For Harmony, this offered the potential to practice the foundations of boundary setting, which started with tapping into what’s going on in the body, considering and communicating this, and remaining connected with her sense of self while engaging with others.

I could relate to everybody, but at the same time, I was like, I’m in my own different spot. I guess that, that sort of being able to differentiate from the group think was probably the challenging thing You know, like within the context of the program itself, like in a way it’s almost like practicing that whole kind of concept in the first place

(…)

Reminding and reinforcing

For many participants, the program acted as reminder and reinforcer of counseling work they had done. Rosa had been in therapy for several decades, and the program was a reminder of previous counseling work, yet still offered new information and strategies she could embed into her life.

It reminded me – it was a great reminder of things over years and years of counselling (…) it assisted me to strategise, add those thoughts to my strategies for when my abuse catches up to me.

Although the program was reinforcing of therapeutic interventions participants had already received, it also offered an opportunity to reflect, identify and strengthen any areas that needed work. As stated by Patsy.

I found it quite reinforcing, I think some of those things I was sort of maybe aware of anyway, because of my psychologist here and just general life experience of seeing other counsellors and things like that. So I found it, you know, reinforcing.

At the beginning of the program, and again at the end, participants filled out a questionnaire sheet that explored how confident participant’s felt in identifying an abusive situation, setting boundaries, self-blame, self-esteem and connection to their body. At the end of the program, participants were given both their pre and post questionnaire to assess their progress over the course of the program. This tool was particularly useful in reminding participants of their improvement and that they were capable of healing. For Chloe, this was a source of pride, “I was like “Oh wow I have actually improved in these areas.” This sense of pride and confidence translated into Chloe feeling more equipped to call out sexist and unwanted attention from men. She reported that she recently called out a man on a dating app for being disrespectful.

I was so proud of myself because yeah like in the past I would have got upset if I got unmatched or like things like that. But I was like “Hell yeah. I’m standing up for myself. I don’t need this shit.”

Similarly, Courtney felt that seeing her improvement via the questionnaire was a reminder of her growth, and that she had attained a sense of freedom from violence and abuse.

Writing the stuff down, especially our questionnaire thing at the beginning, and then to read that at the end, that made you see a lot and how much you have grown in that time, that was – that was brilliant (…) my biggest one was to be free (…) that’s where I think I’ve always been stuck in my life, I’ve always been trapped. I walked out of there on that last day feeling like I am free.

Although a majority of participants were able to integrate their learnings into their everyday life, this wasn’t the case for everyone. For Charlie, the impact of child abuse and other experiences of violence had a significant impact on her ability to participate in public life and practice learnings with family. In recognizing the impact that trauma has on our brain structures, Charlie highlighted that she struggled to remember things, stating “and I said [to facilitator] like I kind of know this but whether I can put it into practice or not that’s a huge thing, and like whether I can remember.”

Navigating materiality

Embodied realities

Participants described a “big massive mixture” of embodied emotions and physical sensations throughout the program. This ranged from relaxation and empathy to anxiety and nausea prior to attending each session, comfort and vulnerability, or depression and headaches after the sessions. In this way, the program served as a catalyst that engaged participants in a complex web of relationships with other participants, material environments and emotional responses. For many participants, residing in a rural location meant participants were able to gain comfort and motivation from their surrounding landscapes, such as enjoying the surrounding and peaceful nature encouraging a sense of mindfulness, and engaging in physical activities such as swimming. This highlighted the importance of the material landscape in aiding participants recovery from sexual violence. Similarly, the physical program environment and material aids played an active role in supporting participant learning and active engagement.

For Rosa, the program “was like a thousand counseling sessions” that “felt really good (…) it relaxed me.” For Ivy, the sessions allowed her to feel safe to empathize with other participants and express a range of emotions.

I can live the traumatic experience that’s been said by another participant, and express any emotion I want to express, whether it’s tears. Whether it’s a bit of anger or whether it’s you know, me doodling or something. Like, in such a way, that, at that instance, I know I’m safe (…) I can be vulnerable.

Several participants experienced significant anxiety and nausea prior to attending sessions. Despite these confronting emotions and sensations, Chloe found a way to process and accept what she was experiencing, “working through those sort of emotions and like knowing that it’s okay to feel that and that it’s not like a bad thing.” At several points over the course of the program, Chloe felt triggered and had to step outside where another participant offered her lavender to smell which “was like just such a calming thing and like I could just smell it and then it was like – it just like felt good.” This moment highlighted the intricate interplay between human and non-human forces in shaping experiences of trauma and healing. The lavender provided sensory attributes that promoted an emotional reaction in Chloe and a sense of grounding. This underscores how non-human elements can mold and affect human experience, providing a concrete example of how materiality can contribute to recovery journeys.

Several participants acknowledged that there was “a fair amount of sorting out in your head” after each session. For Courtney, this meant she felt a range of emotions more intensely where “you were sad, you were happy, it did make my depression hit me harder, anxiety hit me a lot harder, dreams come back, yeah, it wasn’t a good time but at the same time it was a good time.” Courtney’s experience underscores the significant and tangible impact that recovery work has on women’s emotional states, cognitive processes, and physiological responses. From a material feminist perspective, this emphasizes the inseparable nature of the mind, body and social context. Namely, that trauma and healing are not simply cognitive, or emotional, but deeply rooted in women’s embodied realities. As described by Mandy.

Trauma causes a physical, even emotional trauma causes a physical response. And I was so sore during that course ‘cause it was bringing it to the surface for me. Yeah and sometimes, I think that’s a good thing because it can be, felt, released and let go.

The course also had a relational impact for participants, helping some women to identify issues within current relationships. For Harmony, this meant that “over the course of the process I was able to start to identify these things more clearly and more accurately and (…) to be really clear about what my needs are.” Although it was beneficial for participants to learn how to set boundaries, and to identify disrespectful and abusive behaviors, it also created tensions for women who were still in relationships with people who used violence. For instance, during the program Lisa became aware of different forms of violence she had experienced, including financial abuse that was ongoing in her current relationship.

Space and place

For several participants, rural landscapes offered a place for participants to turn to “for comfort, for nurturing.” Several participants lived in rural areas and found solace and healing in the wide-open spaces, sunshine, nature and natural swimming spots close to their homes. More than a backdrop, the material context offered a lively and sensory rich space to anchor agency, explore vulnerabilities and foster a sense of empowerment. For Ivy, the natural landscape offered a sense of connection and resonance with a broader ecosystem. This provided Ivy with a metaphorical mirror through which she was able to reflect on her own journey of healing and transformation.

Every time I was driving to [group program], there was a beautiful landscape. Beautiful trees. And every time I drove past that (…) I was just amazed by it. But then, for some reason that land, and those trees were burned, it had, burned down. And, I was like oh my god you know. I was pretty upset because it’s like, what’s happened here (…) Of course over the weeks I kept an eye on it and it started forming leaves again, branches and started turning green, although it was burnt, it managed to find a bit of life in themselves to blossom again. That’s exactly where I was at in my life (…) Pieces of me were taken away. And then I saw that, it was like, every time I participate in the group, I still had a bit of life in me, and I could be the same.

Being able to observe resilience and adaptability in the natural world enabled Ivy to draw inspiration from cycles of growth, renewal and transformation. In this way, the material landscape appeared to play a role in Ivy’s increased awareness of her bodily sensations and needs, which coincided with a developing connection to her own sense of agency and the potential influence of the surrounding material world.

Although the rural material landscape offered rich opportunities for growth, the regional and rural context also negatively impacted some participants. For Mandy, knowing that the perpetrator lived around the corner to where the program was held had an impact on how present she could be during the sessions “in case he drove past or whatever.” This was known to the facilitators, and risk and safety had been considered with Mandy choosing to continue participation, however Mandy still experienced embodied sensations such as “heart beating fast, not able to process, sort of an overwhelming feeling of not being able to take in my environment, and I sometimes get a bit dizzy, but yeah, just, just um, yep not feeling safe, wanting to flee I suppose.” Geographical distance also became somewhat of a barrier for several participants. The commitment that participants made to participating in the program was emphasized by the often-long travel times they had to undertake to get to the program center. This became an issue when petrol prices increased steeply halfway through the program, and was an influence in Mandy deciding to cease participation.

The other thing too was petrol went up in the middle of it, to this ridiculous amount and I was just like oh god ‘cause I haven’t had much work (…) some people, some women had to drive an hour, one woman I talked to had to drive an hour to get there.

The program center and surrounding space was also an active influence in participant’s experience of the program. For Patsy, the changing content in combination with new room layouts at each session supported her to move outside of her comfort zone.

the creativity of each week, we didn’t really know what we were doing and the desks and the format, the floor plan always changed. And I thought that was really good because it actually helps refresh your brain.

The physical props, visual aids, and hands on craft activities were all a significant highlight for the participants. Visual aids supported participants to understand the program purpose, lessons and program metaphor. For Chloe, “it was sort of nice to have it laid out like – it was very visual I guess. Like this is – you know like a shark and these are (…) behaviors that aren’t really okay.” The activities involving creativity also supported participants to have a sense of pride in achievement. As described by Charlie, “I like to be creative (…) it probably makes me feel good because, like I know I can do things and make things and probably don’t feel so worthless.”

Discussion

The aim of this study was to explore the experiences of regional and rural victim/survivors as they participate in the Shark Cage program. Although this study was not set up to longitudinally examine whether the program reduced women’s future experiences of revictimization, the qualitative nature of the method enabled us to explore how the skills women were learning and insights they developed in the program supported their healing. Our findings indicate the program provided a safe, trauma informed and strengths-based environment to learn and practice skills crucial for reducing revictimization. Participants highlighted that a key transformative aspect of the program was being surrounded by other victim/survivors in a safe environment. In combination with program learnings, this offered the opportunity for participants to develop skills and reinforce previous counseling work. Regional and rural landscapes, the physical program environment and material aids played an active role in supporting and influencing participant learning and active engagement.

Research indicates that group therapy can effectively reduce symptoms of PTSD (Classen et al., 2011), as well as depression and anxiety (Karlsson et al., 2020; Mahoney et al., 2019). However, according to leading trauma theorist Judith Herman, the most significant benefit of group therapy is its provision of a healing space that emphasizes the power of shared experiences for trauma survivors, known as “universality” (Herman, 1992). This concept, fundamental to group therapy, demonstrates how participants realize they are not alone in the challenges they face, thereby diminishing feelings of isolation, normalizing their experiences, and creating a bond within the group (Herman, 1992). This understanding has been linked to significant enhancements in the coping abilities and behavioral outcomes of participants compared to those not in therapy (Paquette et al., 2011). Our research further supports this, with participants highlighting the role of universality in making them feel understood and valued. Group settings offer a safe space for victim/survivors to form empathetic and respectful connections, aiding in the reestablishment of personal safety and inter-relational trust (Mendelsohn et al., 2007). Guided by established group norms and standards, these environments encourage participants to recognize their self-worth and prioritize their safety. Our findings reflect these tenets, indicating that a major advantage of the Shark Cage program was the opportunity to connect with others who had shared experiences of sexual violence and revictimization, thus reducing feelings of isolation and empowering women in recognizing they weren’t alone.

Participants experienced a range of emotional reactions throughout the program. Some theories suggest that the emergence of negative emotions during program participation may signal unpreparedness to participate due to incomplete trauma recovery stages (Herman, 1992). Determining whether the emotional responses elicited during the program were indicative of therapeutic backsliding or part of the healing journey is complex. Notably, none of the women characterized these emotions as regressions or indicated unpreparedness. All participants underwent a thorough screening by two sexual assault counselors to confirm their readiness for the program, and all had engaged in individual therapy extensively before joining. Additionally, they had continuous access to therapeutic support beyond the program’s scope. Future research should pay attention to the reasoning and impact of negative emotions within group programs.

In contrast to previous assertions, research suggests that experiencing and working through negative emotions can be a normal and essential aspect of healing (Gildea, 2021; Greenspan, 2004; Levine, 1997). In fact, the ability to process and share difficult emotions in a group context may actually reflect a nurturing and secure space that facilitates recovery. Discourses of “compulsory survivorship” encourage individuals who have experienced sexual violence to conform to a narrative of overcoming trauma, often minimizing the space for expressing negative emotions or acknowledging the ongoing impact of trauma (Larson, 2018). This narrative is deeply entwined with ableist notions that equate recovery with the absence of visible distress or disability, pressuring victim/survivors to present themselves as healed or beyond their trauma. However, this pressure to conform to an idealized narrative of recovery can silence genuine expressions of pain and the complexities of the healing process (Larson, 2018). It overlooks the reality that healing is non-linear and that negative emotions are a valid and significant part of confronting and processing trauma. By challenging the ableist underpinnings of compulsory survivorship and embracing the complexity of individuals’ experiences, we can advocate for group programs that truly support healing in all its forms, recognizing that the expression of negative emotions is not a failure to recover, but a vital part of the journey toward healing.

Although evidence of the outcomes of interventions and programs specific to sexual revictimization are limited, some research suggests that group programs focused on the development of specific executive function abilities relating to detecting and responding to risk may reduce revictimization in adolescent girls (DePrince et al., 2015). In their study comparing two interventions aimed at reducing revictimization of girls within the child welfare system, DePrince et al. (2015) found that adolescent girls in the risk detection/executive function group were nearly five times less likely to report sexual revictimization than the no-treatment group. Girls in the social learning and feminist intervention group were 2.5 times less likely to report sexual revictimization in comparison to the no-treatment group (DePrince et al., 2015), suggesting that a combination of the two may be most effective in reducing revictimization. Our research highlights the significance of combining feminist and social viewpoints on gender inequality and human rights with activities aimed at enhancing executive functioning. This approach proved vital for enabling participants to practice identifying potential dangers (“sharks”) and rehearse setting boundaries. Nonetheless, it’s crucial to acknowledge that our study mainly addresses the early stages of identifying threats and establishing boundaries. Further research is essential to explore how these skills are implemented in the daily experiences of victim/survivors.

Within our findings, women shared experiences of how the program enabled them to actively contemplate, challenge and navigate the significance of their relations with other participants, the physical space, their regional and rural living environments, and even the room’s layout. This sheds light on the profound implication of a material feminist approach, which draws attention to the program’s impact both on women’s relationships and their surroundings. Our methodological approach underscores the importance of the Shark Cage program, and the sexual assault facilitators skill, in going beyond imparting knowledge to participants. Instead, the program, and facilitators, created a space where participants could engage with the world, their relationships, and regional and rural spaces in transformative ways that contributed to their healing.

Moving beyond humanist models of agency, our findings emphasize that participants’ program experiences were actively shaped by material-discursive and spatial forces. Rather than experiences of relaxation or distress being strictly bounded within the human body, participants experience of emotion, sensation, trauma and recovery were actively shaped through human and non-human relations (with other group participants, program materials, rural landscapes). In this way, a material feminist approach recognizes the messiness and complexity of the recovery journey, where material-discursive forces become enfolded in participants’ subjective experiences and support or impede the learning and recovery process (Fullagar & O’Brien, 2018). Considering material-discursive forces within the recovery of trauma is essential, as this process acknowledges that trauma is not merely a personal psychological affliction, but embedded in a matrix of embodied emotions, social relations, cultural norms and place-based relations that influence how recovery can be understood, processed and addressed. As identified in our findings, and elsewhere (Fullagar & O’Brien, 2018), the materiality of women’s experiences within rural spaces both enriched, and hindered, participant’s experience of learning and recovery. A more nuanced understanding of the everyday practices and material affordances that rural spaces provide for victim/survivors of sexual revictimization is needed.

Strengths and limitations

This research project supported further understanding of interventions that may be beneficial in supporting revictimised victim/survivors in their healing journey. A strength of this study includes the use of an established theory to aid in analysis, as well as use of multiple qualitative data methods, including program observation and semi-structured interviews. To guarantee the accuracy of our data, we member checked transcripts with participants. This study has several limitations that affect its scope and implications. The primary focus on cisgender women’s experiences of cisgender male violence overlooks the varied experiences of transgender, non-binary, and other gender-nonconforming individuals.

Another significant limitation is that the study did not incorporate evaluations of participant’s mental health symptoms before or after participation in the program. This omission limits the ability to measure the program’s impact on mental health outcomes. Moreover, the limited number of participants in the study narrows the breadth of its applicability. Nonetheless, it’s important to note that the aim of this qualitative study involving 11 individuals was not to generalize findings to a broader population, but to deeply explore and understand the unique experiences of the participants involved.

Conclusion

This paper aimed to explore regional and rural women’s experience of a group-based empowerment program. Findings indicate that the program fostered connections among women with shared experiences of sexual revictimization, reducing feelings of isolation. Moreover, the program supported participants to develop and practice skills, such as assertiveness and boundary setting, contributing to revictimization reduction. Both human and non-human material-discursive influences were embedded within participants program experiences, including regional and rural landscapes, the physical program environment, program materials and embodied emotions which supported women in challenging their thinking and reframing their experiences. Consideration of the everyday practices and material-discursive forces that influence women’s recovery journeys are critical, including the benefits and healing that occurs within women’s relationships and their connection with their surroundings.

Ethical standards and informed consent

Ethics approval was obtained from La Trobe University Human Research Ethics Committee (HEC21036). Informed consent was obtained from all participants included in the study.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This study was supported by a collaborative industry PhD funding arrangement between La Trobe University and the Centre Against Sexual Assault Central Victoria (CASA-CV).

Notes on contributors

Emily Corbett

Emily Corbett, PhD is a Post-Doctoral Researcher at the University of Melbourne, and the research coordinator for the Australian Welfare and Work Lab. Her research focuses on sexual and gendered violence and trauma informed service delivery within employment services.

Jennifer Power

Jennifer Power, PhD is a Principal Research Fellow at the Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health and Society. Her research is focused on the social and political dimensions of sexual health and sexuality, particularly the relationship between marginalization and well-being.

Jacqui Theobald

Jacqui Theobald, PhD is senior lecturer in social work at La Trobe Rural Health School, La Trobe University with expertise in qualitative research, particularly with marginalized groups. Her primary areas of research are women’s homelessness, gender-based violence, and women’s refuges.

Leesa Hooker

Leesa Hooker, PhD is a rural nurse/midwife and is currently Associate Dean, Research and Industry Engagement at the La Trobe Rural Health School, La Trobe University. She is a Principal Research Fellow at La Trobe University, leading research streams on Preventing and Reducing Sexual and Gender-Based Violence and Child, Family and Community Health.

Kate Wright

Kate Wright, B.Ed., GradCert (Housing Mgmt & Policy), is CEO of CASA-CV and has over 20 years’ experience in strategy, social policy, program management and design, advocacy and research within government and in not-for-profit organizations.