Abstract
While organizational communication scholars consistently call for greater research into diversity processes, we still know little about how women of color experience sexual harassment. Feminist standpoint theories often prove useful for exploring the sexual harassment experiences of White women. However, tensions between the variations of feminist standpoints have hindered its usefulness for exploring the experiences of women of color. Thus, we propose using intersectionality as an extension of standpoint theory for exploring how race and gender interact and mutually influence one another within sexual harassment experiences. On this basis, we generate a model describing the sexual harassment experiences of African American and Hispanic women. The model includes the following four stages: a perceived sexually harassing act, sensemaking and decision-making, resistance through voice/silence, and perceived organizational response. Each stage operates within the contexts of social constructions of race and gender, and organizational culture. The study concludes with a discussion of theoretical and practical implications.
Notes
The flyer did not include the words “sexual harassment” and the interview protocol purposefully did not begin with questions about sexual harassment. After reviewing the sexual harassment (legal) literature, we concluded that White feminist women, and to a lesser extent, White men, had been largely responsible for developing definitions of sexual harassment. We believed that women of color may possess different definitions of sexual harassment than those commonly accepted and utilized in organizational life and in litigation (see Clair [Citation1993a] for a similar approach). As we constructed our protocol, we decided to avoid using the term sexual harassment early on in the focus group sessions. Instead, we wanted to begin the sessions by having the women discuss “sex-related conversations in the workplace.” After they discussed their experiences with sex-related conversations in the workplace, we included questions and prompts designed to encourage participants to discuss at what point sex-related conversations “crossed the line” and became harassing. It would be at these points that sexual harassment would be occurring and new definitions could be considered.
While the code of silence was true for some respondents, other women indicated that race did not make a difference when considering whether to report a harasser. In fact, one Hispanic respondent formally reported a Hispanic harasser for what was described as pervasive, egregious harassment. Still, enough women, as well as critical race literature, indicated support for the code of silence that it was appropriate to include it in the model.
Organizations have taken progressive measure to recognize the intersectional nature of sexual harassment and racial discrimination; however, EEOC policies have not fully embraced this practice. The EEOC remains tied to the groupings listed in Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Most notably, the EEOC is the clearinghouse for all Title VII claims and thereby the gatekeeper of movement on the issue of intersectionality. Thus, the authors use the EEOC's legal practice of separating sexual harassment and racial discrimination experiences as the basis of our operational definitions. However, our call remains the same—to develop a meaningful theory that recognizes the complexity of sex and race in the workplace.