The U.S. slave ship Ascension in the Río de la Plata: slave routes and circuits of silver in the late eighteenth-century Atlantic and beyond

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Acknowledgments

This article was possible thanks to support from the National Endowment of Humanities Long Term Fellowship at the John Carter Brown Library in Brown University, and the Humanities Center at UC Irvine. In Rhode Island, I thank Neil Safier, Kim Nusco, and the staff of the JCBL, Ruth Taylor and the staff of the Newport Historical Society, and Marion Morrison who let me examine her collection of Vernon family papers. I thank Kris Lane and the reviewers of CLAR, as well as Joshua Piker and other reviewers who contributed to previous versions. I presented this article at Michigan State University, Yale, and NYU, for which I am thankful to David Wheat, Peter Beattie, Marcela Echeverri, Ed Rugemer, and Sinclair Thomson. I express gratitude for the thoughtful comments from David Eltis, Fabrício Prado, Steve Topik, Antonio Ibarra, José Belmonte, Nick Radburn, and the participants of the William and Mary’s Río de la Plata Workshop.

Biographical note

Alex Borucki is Associate Professor of History and Director of the Latin American Studies Center at University of California Irvine. He is the author of From Shipmates to Soldiers: Emerging Black Identities in the Río de la Plata (2015) and co-editor of From the Galleons to the Highlands: Slave Trade Routes in the Spanish Americas (2020). He is the co-creator with Greg O’Malley (UC Santa Cruz) of the Intra-American Slave Trade Database, https://www.slavevoyages.org/american/about.

Notes

1 Fifty-four U.S. voyages from Africa to the Río de la Plata and two from Rio de Janeiro to this region: see the Slave Voyages Website, TSTD, https://slavevoyages.org/voyage/database#searchId=94uLHSb1, and The Intra-American Slave Trade Database, https://slavevoyages.org/american/database#searchId=94uLHSb1.

2 For the importance of this silver within the Luso-Brazilian slave trade, which also connects with Asian textiles, see Bohorquez 2020.

3 Slave Voyages Website, TSTD, id# 36620, www.slavevoyages.org.

4 The South Sea Company conducted the first slave voyages from southeast Africa (Madagascar) to the Río de la Plata in 1717. Three non-specialized slave vessels connected Ile de France (Mauritius) with this region in 1797 (id# 96010, 96011, and 96076, Slave Voyages Website, TSTD). The Ascension was one of the first two specialized slave ships embarking captives from Mozambique to the Río de la Plata in 1798 (the other was the Faustina de Buenos Aires, id# 96009, which departed from the United States with Spanish flag and under the ownership of José Milá de la Roca).

5 The maritime slave trade to the Río de la Plata lasted from the 1580s to the 1830s; see Studer 1958; Borucki 2015, 25–56; Borucki 2020; Cooney 1986; Tardieu 2010; on the early traffic, see Schultz 2016.

6 Romero organized few voyages direct from Africa in his own ships before the arrival of the Ascension. He sent Nemecio Palacios to Mozambique in 1796, as seen in the next section. Papers of Tomás A. Romero, Archivo General de la Nación, Argentina (hereafter AGN-A), IX, 18-8-11. On Romero, see Galmarini 1980.

7 On the relation between Spanish pesos and U.S. Dollars, see Seijas and Frederick 2017.

8 On tax benefits to slave traders, see Borucki 2015, 35.

9 On U.S. slave merchants in Brazil and Cuba, and the historiography, see Marques 2016.

10 The Vernons sent at least forty-five ships to sell captives primarily in the British Caribbean and the U.S. South from 1737 to 1807 (Kelley 2016, chapters 1 and 2; on pre-revolutionary commerce, see 24–26).

11 Newport was not among the main U.S. ports sending ships to Bordeaux, but New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and to a lesser extent Baltimore, Charleston, and Salem (Marzagalli 2005).

12 They communicated with Diego de Gardoqui, the main Spanish politician in the United States and member of the House of José de Gardoqui e Hijos in Bilbao (Newport Historical Society, Vernon Papers [hereafter NHS-VP], Box 63, Folder 7, Ship papers, ship Active to Bilbao, and Box 49, Letters from José Gardoqui and Sons, 1783). The Vernons continued trade with the other states of Union after the war, but now Newport played a secondary role to Providence in Rhode Island’s shipping.

13 For Brazil, see the ongoing research of Fabrício Prado and Reeder 2019.

14 Id#36570 and #36590, Slave Voyages Website, TSTD.

15 Among many publications on neutral trade, see García-Baquero 1984; Barbier and Kuethe 1984; Cuenca-Esteban 1984; Marichal 2000; Souto Mantecón 2001; Salvucci 2005; Adelman 2007.

16 The 1760s saw the beginning of this process with the end of Cádiz’s monopoly on trade with the colonies in 1765, when Barcelona, Santander, Gijón, La Coruña, Málaga, Cartagena, Alicante were allowed to trade with Cuba, Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo, Margarita and Trinidad. Additional ports were added in 1774 and 1776–1778. The British Free Port Act of 1766 established Jamaica and Dominica for trade with other colonies, particularly to the Spanish Caribbean (Pearce 2014, 41–79; Cromwell 2018, 34, 118).

17 He examines the difference between figures of English exports to the United States and U.S. imports from Britain, which builds robust estimates of British re-exports in U.S. ships, and adds 29 percent to Pearce’s estimate in the mid-1790s and 31 percent in 1807 (that is 2,585,000 pounds sterling in 1795, 3,878,000 in 1800, and 4,473,000 in 1807); see Cuenca-Esteban 2014, 84, 91.

18 On the overall slave trade organized by Spanish and Spanish American merchants, see Borucki, Eltis, and Wheat 2015.

19 On the Rhode Island traffic, see Coughtry 1981; on the Ascension, see #36570 and #36590 at Slave Voyages Website, TSTD.

20 The first vessel from the mainland British colonies to reach Brazil was the whaler Leviathan in 1772, sent by the Jewish-Portuguese merchant Aaron Lopez of Newport (Alden 1964). I thank Fabrício Prado for pointing this out to me.

21 Vernon to Chace, Newport, 30 October 1795. NHS-VP, Box 215, Folder 5.

22 Chace had conducted a slave voyage on behalf of the Vernons with the Ascension to Cuba in 1793.

23 ‘Log of the ship Ascension, 1795–1797’ and ‘Ship Ascension, Financial account,’ NHS-VP.

24 ‘Ascension,’ 26 June 1797, Arquivo Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Codice 492, Autos de Embarcaçoes, no. 224. I thank Fabrício Prado for this reference.

25 Samuel Chace to William Vernon, 9 April 1797, New York Historical Society, Slavery Collection, Subseries 1, Samuel and William Vernon (hereafter NYHS-SC-SSWM). Very few U.S. vessels disembarked captives in Brazil before 1840.

26 This ‘Mr. Montave’ may have been a misspelled reference to the Mozambique-based merchant Joaquim do Rosário Monteiro, given that ‘Mr. Montave’ had conducted captives from Mozambique to Rio as Monteiro did too. On Monteiro, see Harries 2016 and Capela 2014.

27 This may reflect his previous trade and knowledge of the slave market in Mozambique. The logbook dates the arrival in Mozambique on 12 July, but Chace later wrote to Vernon that he arrived on 16 July. Chace to Vernon, Cape Good Hope, 11 December 1797 (NHS-VP, Box 43, f. 26).

28 See the dossier of Slavery and Abolition on children and slavery of August 2006.

29 The proceedings of the sale of foodstuff and Dutch gin in Ile de France may have funded slave purchases (‘Ship Ascension, Financial account,’ NHS-VP).

30 The process of vaccination against smallpox began in England in 1796; Chace had access to this new vaccine while the Ascension was docked in Rotterdam.

31 To survive one month in this island, they consumed most of the provisions and they caught turtles (‘Logbook of the Ascension,’ NHS-VP; see entries for 19 and 27 September 1797).

32 Chace to Vernon, Cape Good Hope, 11 December 1797. NHS-VP, Box 43, f. 26.

33 The British occupation of the Cape, in 1795–1803, officially prohibited slave traffic. However, this traffic occurred illegally in limited ways. The Cape was a safer market for Mozambique’s slave traders than South America because of the shorter journey. Also, they could obtain Spanish pesos there as well (Machado 2014, 234; Harries 2016, 423).

34 Palacios and his crew were imprisoned, but the British then released Palacios and the pilot Domingo Calvo (‘Visita de arribo de la fragata Inglesa-Americana Ascensión,’ AGN-A, IX, 36-4-5, 1798, and ‘Salida de Ntra Sa de la Guia,’ AGN-A, IX, 45-1-6, 1796).

35 Diseases such as dysentery caused death for weeks after arrival.

36 By 1810, the population of Buenos Aires ranged from 45,000 to 60,000, whereas nearly 20,000 inhabitants lived in Montevideo. In both cities, the black population was nearly a third of the total (Borucki 2015, 7–8).

37 Chace sold Palacios 500 pounds of ivory. It was illegal for foreign ships to disembark ivory in the Spanish colonies—it was legal only in the metropolis, or in Spanish ships in the colonies (‘Visita de arribo de la fragata Inglesa-Americana Ascensión,’ 1798, AGN-A, IX, 36-4-5).

38 Pesos and dollars are interchangeable in the accounts of Chace (Vernon, Gardner, and co-owners of the ship Ascension in account current with Samuel Chase, 11 November 1797, NYHS-SC-SSWM).

39 Papers of Tomás A. Romero, 29 December 1798, Buenos Aires, AGN-A, IX, 18-8-11.

40 The maritime and overland slave routes from Río de la Plata to Peru passed through Valparaíso. In 1802 the U.S. ship Tyre stopped in Valparaíso on the way from Providence to China. The supercargo Stephen Dexter kept a log, where he asserted that 3,000 slaves passed by Valparaíso each year on their way from Buenos Aires to Lima. This reference is from May 1802, during the peak of this traffic (Journal of the Ship Tyre, 1801-1803, f. 6r/v. Arnold Family Business Records, John Carter Brown Library [hereafter JCBL]); I thank Kimberly Nusco for this reference.

41 Slave ships enrolled larger crews than regular merchant vessels in order to control captives (‘Logbook of the Ascension,’ NHS-VP).

42 Apart from his salary, Chace was allowed to embark fifteen captives for his profit and to fill from one-fourth to one-third of the ship’s hold on the way home with cargo on his account. Thus, Chace was allowed to act as a merchant of goods and captives (Vernon to Chace, Newport, 30 October 1795. NHS-VP, Box 215, Folder 5; and Chace to Vernon, Dominica, 5 August 1798, NHS-VP, Box 81, Folder 8). On captains becoming slave merchants, see Rediker 2007, 187–220.

43 On Potosí and the mint see Lane 2019; on the fluctuations of silver production, see Tepaske 2010, 30.

44 Some of these bills were still used in 1801, when the Vernons needed cash (W. H. Vernon to William Vernon, 4 March 1801, Personal Archive of Marion Morrison, Little Compton, Rhode Island).

45 While Chace never worked again for these merchants, the Vernons turned away from slave trading when the son of William Vernon took over the family business, after the death of his father in 1806.

46 ‘Visita de llegada de la fragata angloamericana La Agenoria,’ 1799, Archivo General de la Nación, Uruguay (hereafter AGN-U), Escribanía de Gobierno y Hacienda, Caja 41, Exp. 122; see also Chandler 1946, 603; Borucki 2015, 30–31.

47 Romero later sent Antonio Sanzetenea to New England to arrange the commerce of captives and goods. Sanzetenea contracted with Brown & Ives (headed by Nicholas Brown Jr., nephew of John Brown the insurer of the Ascension) to deliver European textiles to Romero in a contraband scheme that ended with Brown’s ship Mary Ann detained in Buenos Aires between 1800 and 1803. On the Mary Ann, see the catalog of the JCBL, Brown Family Business Papers (hereafter JCBL-BFBP), and Jacobs 1957; on contraband in the Río de la Plata, see Prado 2015.

48 On the early seventeenth-century traffic, see Schultz 2016; on the overall eighteenth-century trade, see Borucki 2020; on the 1830s slave trade unrelated to silver, see Borucki 2015, 50–56.

49 Jacob Smith to William Earl, 29 May 1805, NHS-VP, Box 43A, folder 26. Smith’s contact in the Río de la Plata was the U.S. merchant Thomas Halsey, who lived in Buenos Aires.

50 Scott Jenckes to Brown & Ives, Rio de Janeiro, 4 September 1805, JCBL-BFBP, Box 535, folder 8.

51 The British invaded the Río de la Plata in 1806 (occupation of Buenos Aires) and in 1807 (occupation of Montevideo). Local militias defeated them twice.

52 Voyage Id# 36839, Slave Voyages Website, TSTD; Brown & Ives to Amos Jenckes, 1 March 1807; Amos Jenckes to Nicholas Brown, 3 March 1807, Montevideo, JCBL-BFBP, Box 636, Folder 3; Papers of the American Slave Trade, Series A: Selections from the Rhode Island Historical Society, Reel 19 and 20.

53 Before the 1791 royal edict liberalizing the slave trade to Montevideo, local merchants needed special licenses to export silver as a result of slave sales. After this measure, they only had to pay a six percent export fee, which still they tried to avoid (Cooney 1986, 39).

54 On Milá de la Roca, see Camarda 2014; on Diego de Agüero, see Schlez 2016.

55 Note also that U.S. ships were smaller than Spanish and Portuguese ships, so that filling a hold with hides limited the ability of payment of slave shipments with cattle-based products. On the volume and prices of hides, and their relation to ships’ holds, see Moutoukias 1995, 786–87, 805.

56 Olaguer Reynals to Jaime Alcina y Verges, 2 January 1799, Archivo Nacional, Santiago de Chile, Fondo Olaguer Reynals, Caja 12.

57 ‘Piña’ or pinecone became the general term for un-taxed, high-grade silver ingots. They had a hole in the middle through which a cord was passed, attaching them to the inside of the packages of hemp. ‘Piñas’ produced in Potosí usually were fist-sized and weighed 20–25 lbs, or an average of 10 kilos (Reynals to Antonio Mont, 9 April and 19 July 1800; and to Alcina, 18 October 1800, Archivo Nacional, Santiago de Chile, Fondo Olaguer Reynals, Caja 12). I thank Kris Lane for this explanation.

58 ‘Si fuese caso que Romero no le tomase mis seis piñas de Plata que le había vendido para el Americano, no se aflija VM, que como la plata es de tan superior calidad, no faltará otros que la compren, y de lo contrario, a su tiempo caminará para Barcelona’ (Reynals to Alcina, 11 December 1800, Archivo Nacional, Santiago de Chile, Fondo Olaguer Reynals, Caja 12).

59 Reynals to Alcina, 10 January and 9 February 1801, Archivo Nacional, Santiago de Chile, Fondo Olaguer Reynals, Caja 27.

60 In the peak years of slave arrivals in Buenos Aires and Montevideo in 1782–1783, half of the captives were sent westward to the slave routes between Mendoza and Lima (Jumar 2019).

61 The 1787–1789 slave trade sally of the Royal Philippines Company in the Río de la Plata was considered a financial disaster by metropolitan and colonial authorities as well as by the investors due to the high price of captives in the Bight of Biafra and the high mortality rate. However, local merchants who managed the Buenos Aires-Lima route actually profited from this, as most captives were sent to Lima (Ibarra 2021).

62 This tax was not consistently levied across Spanish colonies. In 1794, the Spanish Governor of Trinidad excempted slave traders from paying avería (José Chacón to Real Hacienda of Caracas, Archivo General de Indias [hereafter AGI], Caracas 23, Puerto de España, 6 February 1794).

63 This imposed four percent of the value of the maritime imports, which included slaves, and two percent of the value of exports (AGN-A, IX, 4-8-4, Averías, 1800–1808). I thank Antonio Ibarrra and Luis Aguirre for their generosity in providing these data.

64 I am using the same database employed in Borucki 2015, 25–56.

65 This is an estimate. Here we have applied to the slave arrivals in Montevideo the same ratio (207.61) between the number of slaves arriving in Buenos Aires (9,966) according to the avería records and the overall sum paid by slave traders on avería tax ($2,013,010) in Buenos Aires for these very same captives. Using this ratio, 17,651 Africans arriving in Montevideo were sold for an overall estimate value of 3,664,567 pesos, which should have produced (if paid) a contribution of avería of $146,583. We have eliminated the fractions (reales) in the pesos for simplification.

66 On slave traders resisting avería tax, see Tjarks 1962, 225.

67 The combined value of merchandise entering Buenos Aires and Montevideo in 1801–1806 (we lack data of avería entry in Montevideo for 1807) is $14,164,860; the additional value of entering slaves is an estimate based on the recorded number of arriving slaves and average avería value of $5,024,967, or an additional 35 percent to the value of commodities. The avería taxed four percent on the value of maritime imports.

68 ‘Valor de los frutos extrahidos de la cuenta de Tomás Antonio Romero,’ 24 December 1807, AGN-A, IX, 18-8-11. This source lists individual ships and can be cross-checked with the port records.

69 I thank Josep Delgado Ribas for this observation. On the more liberal Spanish policy following 1787, see Tavárez 2018.

70 The United States prohibited the transatlantic slave trade in 1808, and later the revolutionary government of Buenos Aires declared this traffic illegal in 1812 (Borucki 2015, 25–56).

71 ‘Vernon Wm and Samuel, Ship Accounts,’ NHS-VP, Box 229.

72 On the Juliet, see NHS-VP, Box 229, Folder Vernon Wm and Samuel, Ship accounts; on the bank see Chernos 2002, 30.

73 On the impact of this silver on U.S. public bonds and banking, see Nelson 2012, 35–36.

74 Additional freight services to Spanish America by U.S. shippers and a larger volume of silver entering the U.S. further supports Douglass North’s view that the carrying trade became the main force behind U.S. economic growth during the era of neutral commerce (North, Anderson, and Hill 1983, 65–71). For critiques to this view, see Shepherd and Walton 1976; Goldin and Lewis 1980.

75 The Dutch and the English East India companies transferred over ten percent of the New World silver production directly to the Indian Ocean from about 1660 to 1760, and part of this silver came from slave sales in the Spanish colonies (Richards 1983, 24).

76 The silver peso was valuable as ‘certified and reliable means of payment,’ rather than for the amount of silver (Irigoin 2009, 239; Irigoin 2013).

77 Samuel Brown thought that Chace was overpricing the coffee, that his debit due to the ship-owners was larger, and overall that Chace pursued ‘a regular system of fraud’ (Samuel Brown to William Vernon, 23 February 1799, NHS-VP, Box 45, Folder 1; Samuel Brown to William Vernon, 8 April 1799, Personal Archive of Marion Morrison, Little Compton, Rhode Island).

78 The story of insurance also illustrates the various degrees of complicity of U.S. merchant families with the slave trade at the turn of the century. It is surprising to see Thomas Arnold as underwriter of a slave voyage, perhaps unknowingly given that nowhere in the papers of the Ascension’s insurance are mentions of slave trading. The voyage of the Ascension began in 1795, two years before Arnold led the campaign against John Brown.

79 ‘Statement of money Received by Caleb Gardner, September 1803,’ NHS-VP, Box 81, Folder 8.

80 U.S. merchants followed previous French trade routes between the Mascarene Islands and Mozambique that included the Western coast of India. The exports of Indian cotton cloth to southeast Africa and the imports of African ivory tusks to India, as shown by Pedro Machado, were the predominant exchanges of these routes. Vãniyã merchants of Western India sold cotton textiles to Portuguese and African merchants in southeast Africa to obtain ivory. This cloth circulated in Mozambique as well as in the Portuguese Indian and Atlantic trade. French merchants later participated, and U.S. traders became late eighteenth-century newcomers. Madagascar also participated in these exchanges, particularly, by selling provisions to feed consumers in the Indian Ocean (Hooper 2017, 147–54).

81 The case of the ship Ruby shows the significance of silver and gunpowder in the trade of the Mascarene Islands, Madagascar, and Mozambique. French merchants intended to buy slaves in Mozambique with piastres, gunpowder, iron bars, firearms, and textiles in 1764. While the piastres were the most valuable item, the firearms were a close second. In fact, war-related items surpassed the silver (Jauze 2012, 154).

82 Thus, from the 1790s on, a transition from ivory to slave trade took place, though the latter did not completely displace the former (Machado 2014, 201).

83 Vãniyã merchants also provided credit, cloth, and shipping for Mozambique-based slave traders in the 1790s such as Joaquim do Rosario Monteiro, who received cotton cloth on credit and introduced Indian merchants to investing in the slave trade to Brazil (Machado 2014, 210, 230–31).

84 Paper money and bills of exchange were under twenty percent compared to cash (Samuel Brown to William Vernon, 7 March 1792, NYHS-SC-SSWM). Already in 1744, Portuguese colonial administrators in Brazil communicated to the Crown that slaves sold in Mozambique were cheaper than in Costa da Mina (Gold Coast and Bight of Benin), and thus the price of captives compared to other regions was a factor attracting Atlantic slavers to Mozambique (Capela 2014, 182).

85 A captain working with Brown brought captives from Mozambique to Ile de France (Samuel Brown to William Vernon, 28 January 1793, NYHS-SC-SSWM).

86 French traders in Ile de France began accepting U.S. bills of exchange for 9,000 ‘hard dollars’ the following year (Samuel Brown to William Vernon, 1 and 14 March 1794, NYHS-SC-SSWM).

87 Out of 55 U.S. slave voyages embarking captives in southeast Africa, 31 took place between 1797 and 1808. Only three took place in the first half of the decade of the 1790s (Slave Voyages Website, TSTD). The Ascension was the first Rhode Island bottom arriving in Ile de France in 1796, but the main U.S. ports organizing voyages to this island were Salem, Boston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York, which were less connected with the slave trade and more involved with Europe and Asia. The U.S. commerce in Ile de France finished with the ending of neutral trade and British occupation of this island, now Mauritius, in 1810, which curtailed slave trading as well (Toussaint 1954, 7, 73).

88 This world of profit-seeking entrepreneurs and capitalist relations of production emerged in various places beyond the North Atlantic (Tutino 2011).

89 While excellent studies examine French slave voyages in the Indian Ocean by showing ships conducting quadrangular trade connecting the Indian Ocean, Saint-Domingue and France, the case of the Ascension shows the full extent of trans-imperial and transoceanic exchange (and contraband) of captives and silver connecting the Indian Ocean, Europe and both North and South America in times of neutral trade. Apart from Jauze 2012, on a rebellion of slaves embarked in Madagascar, see Bialuschewki 2011; on Saint-Domingue and quadrangular trade, see Vernent 2011.

90 During the entire history of the slave trade, 1520 to 1867, about half of the 12.5 million captives embarking in Africa into Atlantic slaving sailed during the period 1750–1825 (Slave Voyages Website, TSTD).

91 Francisco de Saavedra to Consejo de Indias, AGI, Caracas 23, 20 December 1787. I thank José Belmonte for this reference.

92 On transferences among colonial treasuries and how this connected with degrees of negotiations between the colonies and the metropolis, see Irigoin and Grafe 2008; Marichal and von Grafenstein 2012; on smuggling and the flow of silver in late-colonial Venezuela, see Piñero 1994 and Cromwell 2018.

93 I thank José Belmonte for this reference, id#70018 in Slave Voyages Website, TSTD. On Venezuela, Cuba, and Cartagena’s slave trade in these year, see Belmonte 2019.

94 ‘Memoria de las primeras operaciones de la Real Compañía de Filipinas y su estado actual,’ 1787, AGI, Filipinas 986, 13. See also, ‘Buenos Aires, 11-3-1789. N° 122,’ AGI, Filipinas 987.

95 ‘Expediente instruido por la Junta de Fomento con objeto de acordar si conviene o no suspender por tiempo limitado la extracción de caudales en retorno de Negros Bozales, 1801–1803,’ Archivo Nacional de Cuba. Real Consulado y Junta de Fomento. Leg. 72, Exp. 2791. I thank Jorge Felipe-González for this reference.

96 Cuenca-Esteban identifies the years between 1795 and 1808 as the peak of British trade with the Spanish colonies, particularly through U.S. neutral shipping (2014, 86).

97 For Intra-American slave arrivals, see https://slavevoyages.org/voyages/0I33wjjp; for transatlantic slave arrivals, see https://slavevoyages.org/voyages/bIy4SJvU.

98 For the breakdown in periods, see ‘Notes on the Estimates of the Intra-American Slave trade to the Spanish Americas’ and ‘IntraAmertoSpa_Amer2015,’ available at https://slavevoyages.org/voyage/downloads.

99 To illustrate this gap in the historiography of the trade of non-human merchandise and the scholarship on the slave trade, Pearce leaves the slave trade out of his examination of British commerce to Spanish America; for an explanation of his reasoning, see Pearce 2014, x.

100 On the slave market in Santiago, see Cussen, Llorca-Jaña, and Droller 2016.