Abstract
This study examines the role of family in the college transition process for students with refugee backgrounds in New England (United States). Extant research finds that the investments immigrant and refugee families make in their children’s education are often overlooked, and that the family is sometimes seen an educational obstacle, rather than an asset. Using the framework of familial capital, with a focus on narratives of agency, this study offers a counter-story to such discourse, highlighting numerous ways that families have contributed to their children’s educational goals, decisions, and achievements. Analysis of student interviews reveals how families cultivate aspiration and resilience, remove barriers to educational success, and empower their children to serve as agents of change. These strategies and decisions represent a sustained commitment to educational access and achievement—one which must be acknowledged as part of a culturally relevant curriculum. Findings from this study have relevance for practitioners in both secondary and postsecondary settings and suggest possibilities for future research into the role of family and community in students’ educational decision-making processes.
Notes
1 I use the term “refugee-background student” as opposed to simply “refugee student” in recognition of the fact that refugee resettlement is only one chapter in students’ stories, and that the label “refugee” often carries negative connotations in public discourse (Keddie, Citation2012; Loring, Citation2015; Shapiro, Citation2014).
2 There are many studies that group refugee-background students together with other immigrant groups (Feuerherm & Ramanathan, Citation2015; Pinson & Arnot, Citation2007; Shapiro et al., Citation2018), but given space limitations, I am focusing this review on studies that look exclusively at students with refugee backgrounds.
3 Negative attitudes toward refugees and refugee resettlement in the United States have increased, in fact, since President Trump took office in January of 2017 (e.g., Hartig, Citation2018).
4 This low figure is due primarily to the limited number of spaces made available in receiving countries.
5 Retrieved from http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/resettlement.html
6 It is worth noting that “Somali” can refer to a range of tribal groups, including ethnic Somali and Somali Bantu. At the time of my study, the latter were more prevalent in Laketown, but in recent years, more ethnic Somalis have been arriving. See Shapiro and MacDonald (Citation2017) for more on Somali Bantu as a distinct population.
7 For more on this particular student, see Shapiro and MacDonald (Citation2017).
8 When Fardowsa did decide to marry, the choice of husband also involved negotiation: Her father preferred that she marry an older man with more status in the community, but Fardowsa insisted on marrying someone with whom she felt a deeper connection. In this decision as well, she eventually received her father’s support.
9 Fardowsa and Madina, with whom I have maintained frequent contact, requested that I use their actual names.
10 It is likely, of course, that some of these students changed career paths over time. In future research, I hope to follow up with some participants, in order to learn more about their experiences during and after college.
Additional information
Notes on contributors
Shawna Shapiro
Shawna Shapiro teaches courses in writing, linguistics, and education at Middlebury College (Vermont), where she also directs the Writing and Rhetoric Program. Shapiro’s research focuses on college transitions and innovative writing pedagogies for international and immigrant-background students. Her work has appeared in Teaching and Teacher Education, Research in the Teaching of English, and TESOL Quarterly, among others. Her most recent book is entitled Educating Refugee-background Students: Critical Issues and Dynamic Contexts (2018, Multilingual Matters).