Visual and textual narratives of conflict-related displacement in Northern Ireland

Abstract

Combined textual and visual narratives and counternarratives illustrate a range of experiences in Northern Ireland’s conflictual, spatial landscape. In this article, I argue that combined textual and visual narratives about conflict-instigated displacement create and articulate community-specific experiences of disadvantage, with the intention of gaining political recognition and/or advantage over other communities in ongoing processes of conflict transformation. I expose the multiple, contextualised meanings of selective narratives that are accessible in language and image but, that are rarely questioned because of the political influence of their tellers or, because of their scale. Their meanings and intentions exist alongside counternarratives about intra-community displacement and displacement against other groups and are concurrent with public apathy, which serve to minimise their effectiveness as political tools to gain community-specific, social and political advantage. These narratives and counternarratives persist as key spatial markers and as sites on which conflict, and its effective transformation, are played out.

Keywords:

• displacement
• conflict
• Northern Ireland
• counternarratives
• migration

Acknowledgements

The author is grateful to Brad Gibb, Dr Steven Wolinetz and four anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and to Dr Martin Melaugh for his valuable assistance with the photographs. All errors are my own.

Notes

1. I refer to geographic boundaries. Political boundaries preferred by some nationalists and republicans include the Republic of Ireland and, preferred by some unionists and loyalists, encompass England, Scotland and Wales.

2. Paradoxically, the accessibility of political wall murals can limit visibility; Jarman argues that wall murals can fade into local landscapes and become less visible to frequent viewers (2007).

3. A 6.58% of the population identifies as ‘Other/Other Religion’ and 16.78% of the population identifies their religion as ‘None/None Stated’ (NISRA 2011).

4. These divisions are less distinctive in some aspects of everyday life. Workplace integration has improved, largely as a result of statutory duties, equality legislation and international pressure (Hamilton, Bell, and Hansson 2008; Nolan 2012). Increased economic investment, mainly from the European Union, has facilitated shared, commercial spaces (Hamilton, Bell, and Hansson 2008; Nolan 2012).

5. Gender differences are also apparent (Gray 2004; Rossiter 2009; Side 2006; Devlin 2013).

6. Between 2000 and 2010, an average of 545 households per year qualified for priority housing for reasons related to intimidation and/or violence (NIHE 2011, 8).

7. Shuttleworth and Anderson argue that data for community affiliation are unreliable because, since 1991, individuals have been able to indicate their affiliation on the Northern Ireland Census as ‘no religion,’ thereby confounding connections between community affiliation and displacement (Anderson and Shuttleworth 1998; Mitchell 2006, 155; NISRA 2011). The number of people who report ‘no religion’ increased 9.8% between 1991 and 2011, although responses may also be related to social class and access to employment (Anderson and Shuttleworth 1998, 190; Mitchell 2006, 22; NISRA 2011). Anderson and Shuttleworth also criticise the reliance on electoral wards as bases of comparison over time because the number of electoral wards is not constant and because they are inaccurate indicators of social life (1998).

8. Other Catholic/nationalist, Belfast neighbourhoods experienced displacement at this time, including Andersonstown and the Rathcoole and Lenadoon estates (Darby and Morris 1974; RTÉ News 1969).

9. The names of the city, district council and county are subjects of long-standing dispute between Protestant/unionists, who prefer Londonderry, and Catholic/nationalists, who prefer Derry. A 2007 High Court judicial decision ruled in favour of the official name, Londonderry (NIQB 2007).

10. Populist origin myths identify seventeenth-century Scottish planters as ‘the descendants of the Cruthin people’ forced from Ireland during the fifth century and as one of the lost tribes of Israel (Graham 1997; Hall 1989; McKay 2000). The latter sometimes translates into support for the modern state of Israel (Hill and White 2008).

11. Visual representations of Bobby Sands are also standardised. A single image is used; Rolston notes that ‘at one point during the hunger strikes, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) chiefs in London requested that the Northern Ireland Office provide them with a “less engaging” image of Sands, but none was available’ (1991, 109).

12. The murals examined here are the only ones of which I am aware that depict displacement. Other murals depict related themes, including out-migration and decisions to remain in place.

13. In addition to relating to its subjects, Berger argues viewers also relate to the artists’ emotions and motivations (Berger, in Bianciotti 2012).

14. Patrick Rooney, aged 9, died on 14 August 1969 (Sutton 2011).

15. McAuley, aged 15, is listed as a member of the IRA Youth Section, killed by ‘non-specific Loyalist groups’ on 15 August 1969 (Sutton 1994). BBC journalist Lawrence Pitkethly alleges McAuley was killed by a bullet ricocheting off of a wall (2011).

16. Figure 2 was photographed in 2000, and Figure 3 was photographed in 2009, both were photographed by Martin Melaugh. The source of the images is unknown.

17. Italics and translation are mine.

18. Two British battalions were dispatched to Bombay Street: The Queen’s Own Regiment and the Welsh Regiment (Quinn 2009).

19. Territorialism is a form of resistance for both communities in Northern Ireland’ (Gallaher and Shirlow 2006, 149).

20. The postcard was exhibited at Connection and Division Exhibition: Events of 1910–1930. A handwritten note, added by the sender, adds the message, ‘Hope you can say the same’ (Enniskillen Castle Museums 2012).

21. Over 237,000 men and 234,000 women signed the Solemn League and Covenant (1912) to oppose Home Rule (English 2006).

22. The original source is unknown.

23. They are contextualised in the local populations’ Ulster-Scots heritage, the local presence of the Orange Order and loyalist paramilitary activity.

24. During this period, applications, from all communities, increased to 1077 requests, a rise of 126% over the previous year (NIHE 2011).

25. EU non-nationals constitute between 1% and 2.5% of Northern Ireland’s total population (Bell et al. 2009).

26. In 2014, Figure 3 is in place; Figure 6 is now located in the place of Figure 5 in the Shankill Road. Demonstrating their constantly variable nature, in 2014, one black and white image in Figure 2 is replaced with a colour image.

27. Proposals to investigate ‘intra-community violence by paramilitaries,’ for the purpose of ‘context and historical insight,’ is included in the Draft Agreement proposed by Richard Haass and Meghan O’Sullivan; however, the Draft did not receive all-party agreement (2013, 32).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Katherine Side

KATHERINE SIDE is Associate Professor in the Department of Gender Studies at Memorial University.