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ARTICLES

ACHIEVING THE VISION OF THE NPT

Can We Get There Step By Step?

Pages 369-387 | Published online: 21 Jun 2011
 

Abstract

This article assesses the prospects for a strategy of incrementalism to lead to achievement of the core bargain of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons: non-nuclear weapon states' nuclear nonproliferation in exchange for nuclear weapon states' nuclear disarmament to the point of “global zero.” Game theory, prospect theory, and liberal international theory are used to evaluate the potential of a strategy of incrementalism. While separately each has insights to offer, it is when all three theoretical approaches are used in tandem that meaningful explanatory gains emerge. The article concludes that incrementalism probably cannot lead to complete nonproliferation and global nuclear zero. Instead, signal events (as described by prospect theory) are needed to “punctuate” incremental processes in negotiations (best explained by liberal international theory) in order to move past hindrances such as international structural constraints (exemplified by game theory) and the conservative risk-taking propensities of state elites (described by prospect theory).

Acknowledgements

The author gratefully acknowledges the helpful comments of two anonymous reviewers.

Notes

1. On “security community,” see Karl W. Deutsch et al., Political Community and the North Atlantic Area (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957); and Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett, Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

2. Robert Axelrod, The Evolution of Cooperation (New York: Basic Books, 1984).

3. Aaron M. Hoffman, “The Structural Causes of Trusting Relationships: Why Rivals Do Not Overcome Suspicion Step by Step,” Political Science Quarterly 122 (Summer 2007), pp. 288–93.

4. Aaron M. Hoffman, “The Structural Causes of Trusting Relationships: Why Rivals Do Not Overcome Suspicion Step by Step,” Political Science Quarterly 122 (Summer 2007), pp. 290–93. See also Michael Barnett and Emanuel Adler, “Studying Security Communities in Theory, Comparison, and History,” in Adler and Barnett, Security Communities, pp. 414–23.

5. Hoffman, “The Structural Causes of Trusting Relationships,” p. 291.

6. Here, “nested” describes how customs and routines that channel interstate relations can be emplaced in a deliberately designed, more formal interstate agreement. My use is a looser version of a concept developed by Vinod K. Aggarwal in “Reconciling Multiple Institutions: Bargaining, Linkages, and Nesting,” in Vinod K. Aggarwaal, ed., Institutional Designs for a Complex World: Bargaining, Linkages, and Nesting (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), pp. 1–2. See also Robert O. Keohane, “The Demand for International Regimes,” International Organization 36 (Spring 1982), p. 26.

7. Jeffrey Fields and Jason S. Enia, “The Health of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime,” Nonproliferation Review 16 (July 2009), pp. 173–96.

8. George Downs and Peter Barsoom, “Arms Control: A Formal Approach,” in Ngaire Woods, ed., Explaining International Relations Since 1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 360.

9. George Downs and Peter Barsoom, “Arms Control: A Formal Approach,” in Ngaire Woods, ed., Explaining International Relations Since 1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 361.

10. I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for this insight. See also Lewis A. Dunn, “The NPT: Assessing the Past, Building the Future,” Nonproliferation Review 16 (July 2009), p. 158.

11. Downs and Barsoom, “Arms Control: A Formal Approach,” p. 361.

12. See Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, “Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision under Risk,” Econometrica 47 (1979), pp. 263–91. See also Rose McDermott, Risk-Taking in International Politics: Prospect Theory in American Foreign Policy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001).

13. McDermott, Risk-Taking in International Politics, p. 29.

14. McDermott, Risk-Taking in International Politics pp. 20–33.

15. McDermott, Risk-Taking in International Politics pp. 27–29.

16. McDermott, Risk-Taking in International Politics p. 29.

17. Lewis Dunn's study stands out as an exception. See “Countering Proliferation: Insights from Past ‘Wins, Losses, and Draws,’” Nonproliferation Review 13 (November 2007), p. 480.

18. McDermott, Risk-Taking in International Politics, pp. 166–67.

19. McDermott, Risk-Taking in International Politics, p. 167.

20. Paul Slovic, “Perception of Risk,” Science 236 (April 17, 1987), pp. 283–84.

21. Joseph S. Nye, “The Superpowers and the Non-Proliferation Treaty,” Albert Carnesale and Richard N. Haass, eds., Superpower Arms Control: Setting the Record Straight (Cambridge, MA: Ballinger, 1987), p. 170; and Francis J. Gavin, “Blasts From the Past: Proliferation Lessons From the 1960's,” International Security 29 (Winter 2004/2005), pp. 103–7.

22. Mark A. Zacher and Richard A. Matthew, “Liberal International Theory: Common Threads, Divergent Strands,” in Charles W. Kegley Jr., ed., Controversies in International Relations Theory: Realism and the Neoliberal Challenge (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995), pp. 108–10.

23. John Gray, Liberalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), pp. x, 91.

24. Zacher and Matthew, “Liberal International Theory,” pp. 120–40; Robert O. Keohane, International Institutions and State Power: Essays in International Relations Theory (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1989), p. 11; and Joseph S. Nye, “Neorealism and Neoliberalism,” World Politics 40 (1988), p. 246.

25. George Bunn, “The Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime and its History,” in George Bunn and Christopher F. Chyba, US Nuclear Weapons Policy: Confronting Today's Threats (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2006), p. 95.

26. Barnett and Adler, “Studying Security Communities,” p. 418.

27. Barnett and Adler, “Studying Security Communities,” p. 420.

28. Maria Rost Rublee, Nonproliferation Norms: Why States Choose Nuclear Restraint (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2009), pp. 44–47.

29. Robert O. Keohane, “A Functional Theory of Regimes,” in Robert J. Art and Robert Jervis, eds., International Politics: Enduring Concept and Contemporary Issues (New York: Harper Collins, 1996), p. 133.

30. Robert O. Keohane, “Cooperation and International Regimes,” in Phil Williams, Donald Goldstein, and Jay Shafritz, eds., Classic Readings in International Relations (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace, 1999), p. 296. See also Robert Jervis, “Realism, Neoliberalism, and Cooperation: Understanding the Debate,” in Colin Elman and Miriam Fendius Elman, eds., Progress in International Relations Theory: Appraising the Field (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003), p. 306.

31. Rublee, Nonproliferation Norms, p. 46.

32. George W. Downs, David M. Rocke, and Peter N. Barsoom, “Is the Good News About Compliance Good News about Cooperation?,” in Lisa L. Martin and Beth A. Simmons, eds., International Institutions: An International Organization Reader (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001), p. 299.

33. See Hans Blix, “Restoring Faith in the Double Bargain,” in Jeffrey Laurenti and Carl Robichaud, eds., Breaking the Nuclear Impasse: New Prospects for Security Against Weapons Threats (New York: The Century Foundation Press, 2007), pp. 69–70.

34. David Beetham, The Legitimation of Power (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1991), pp. 18–20; and Rublee, Nonproliferation Norms, p. 202.

35. On novel facts, see Imre Lakatos, “Falsification and the Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes,” in Imre Lakatos and Alan Musgrave, eds., Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 91–196.

36. Robert O. Keohane, After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984). See also Arthur A. Stein, “Coordination and Collaboration: Regimes in an Anarchic World,” in Stephen D. Krasner, ed., International Regimes (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), p. 139.

37. Downs, Rocke, and Barsoom, “Is the Good News About Compliance Good News about Cooperation?,” p. 280.

38. Hoffman, “The Structural Causes of Trusting Relationships,” p. 291.

39. Fields and Enia, “The Health of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime,” p. 191.

40. The quote is from Downs and Barsoom, “Arms Control: A Formal Approach,” p. 361; on controlling defection benefits see Downs, Rocke, and Barsoom, “Is the Good News About Compliance Good News about Cooperation?,” pp. 297–98.

41. Robert O. Keohane and Lisa L. Martin, “Institutional Theory as a Research Program,” in Elman and Elman, Progress in International Relations Theory, p. 84.

42. Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1979), p. 12.

43. Nassim Nicholas Taleb, The Black Swan (New York: Random House, 2010), p. xxix.

44. Mark Blyth, “Coping With the Black Swan: The Unsettling World of Nassim Taleb,” Critical Review 21 (2009), p. 458.

45. Connie Gersick, “Revolutionary Change Theories: A Multilevel Exploration of the Punctuated Equilibrium Paradigm,” Academy of Management Review 16 (January 1991), p. 12.

46. Blyth, “Coping With the Black Swan,” p. 449.

47. Niles Eldredge and Stephen J. Gould, “Punctuated Equilibria: An Alternative to Phyletic Gradualism,” in T.J.M. Schopf, ed., Models in Paleobiology (San Francisco: Freeman Cooper, 1972), pp. 82–115. The logic of punctuated equilibria has also been applied to numerous social situations. See Gersick, “Revolutionary Change Theories,” pp. 10–36.

48. Gersick, “Revolutionary Change Theories,” p. 33.

49. Robert Jervis, “Black Swans in Politics,”Critical Review 21 (2009), p. 488.

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