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ARTICLE

ESCAPE FROM NUCLEAR DETERRENCE

LESSONS FOR GLOBAL ZERO FROM THE STRATEGIC DEFENSE INITIATIVE

Pages 339-360 | Published online: 27 Jun 2013
 

Abstract

Since the post-World War II genesis of nuclear deterrence, two presidential initiatives have been presented to deliver humanity from the threat of its failure. The first was the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a constellation of space- and ground-based systems that President Ronald Reagan envisioned would render nuclear weapons “impotent and obsolete.” The second is President Barack Obama's roadmap to “a world without nuclear weapons,” commonly referred to as “Global Zero.” While these proposals appear to have little in common, deeper investigation reveals a number of provocative similarities in motivation and presentation. Moreover, both generated fierce debate, often with ideological overtones, about their strategic desirability and technical feasibility. We use these parallels, as well as prominent dissimilarities, to draw lessons from the SDI experience that can be applied to the debate over Global Zero.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

For constructive reviews of earlier drafts of this paper, we thank Rakesh Bahadur, Andrew Bennett, Michael Boland, Jennifer Borchard, Stephanie Culberson, Matthew Doster, Martin Hellman, Rhianna Kreger, Stephen Lukasik, Sharon Pritz, Stephen Schwartz, George Ullrich, and two anonymous reviewers. The views expressed in this paper represent those of the authors; they should not be construed as the views of the organizations with which the authors are affiliated.

Notes

1. Ronald Reagan, “Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security,” March 23, 1983, <www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/32383d.htm>.

2. See Paul Lettow, Ronald Reagan and His Quest to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (New York: Random House, 2005), and Richard Rhodes, Arsenals of Folly: The Making of the Nuclear Arms Race (New York: Alfred E. Knopf, 2007), pp. 176–77.

3. Barack Obama, “Remarks by President Barack Obama,” Prague, April 5, 2009, <www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Remarks-By-President-Barack-Obama-In-Prague-As-Delivered/>. This term is not to be confused with the nonprofit organization of the same name, which espouses an identical goal but is not formally affiliated with the Obama administration.

4. Perhaps because SDI advocates later argued that the system was intended to strengthen deterrence, Reagan's original motive in building the system is often overlooked. By all accounts a genuine abolitionist, Reagan's vision was to make nuclear weapons so ineffective that they would ultimately be eliminated completely. See David Cortright and Raimo Väyrynen, Towards Nuclear Zero, Adelphi Paper 410, Routledge: 2010.

5. Reagan, “Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security.”

6. Obama, “Remarks by President Barack Obama.”

7. On missile defenses, see Sanford Lakoff and Herbert F. York, A Shield in Space? Technology, Politics, and the Strategic Defense Initiative (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989), p. 3. On nuclear disarmament, see Lawrence S. Wittner, The Struggle Against the Bomb: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement. 3 vols. (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1993–2003).

8. See Rhodes, Arsenals of Folly, p. 175.

9. Nonnuclear analogies can be found in the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention and the 1993 Chemical Weapons Convention, which have made substantial progress in eliminating such weapons worldwide.

10. In 1985, physicist Richard Garwin noted this evolution in SDI's purpose, distinguishing between its original goal—“replacing deterrence by the President's dream of an impenetrable shield”—and “the real SDI,” which offered “only the hope of strengthening deterrence by threat of retaliation.” (Emphasis in original.) See Richard L. Garwin, “Star Wars and Geneva,” speech delivered to the Foreign Press Association, September 9, 1985, <www.fas.org/rlg/850909-sdi.htm>.

11. Bernard Brodie, ed., The Absolute Weapon: Atomic Power and World Order (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1946), p. 76.

12. Robert S. McNamara, “The Dynamics of Nuclear Strategy,” speech before the editors and publishers of United Press International, San Francisco, California, September 18, 1967.

13. Memorandum from Robert McNamara to President Lyndon Johnson, “Recommended FY 1966–1970 Programs for Strategic Offensive Forces, Continental Air and Missile Defense Forces, and Civil Defense,” December 3, 1964. See also Jerome B. Wiesner, “Russian and American Capabilities,” Atlantic Monthly, July 1982, <www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1982/07/russian-and-american-capabilities/306408/>.

14. For official US nuclear stockpile quantities, see Department of Defense, “Fact Sheet: Increasing Transparency in the U.S. Nuclear Weapons Stockpile,” May 3, 2010, <www.defense.gov/npr/docs/10-05-03_Fact_Sheet_US_Nuclear_Transparency__FINAL_w_Date.pdf>; For Soviet/Russian estimates, see Thomas B. Cochran, William M. Arkin, and Milton M. Hoenig, Nuclear Weapons Databook, Volume I: U.S. Nuclear Forces and Capabilities, Natural Resources Defense Council, 1984. p. 12; and Richard L. Garwin, “Nuclear Weapons in the 21st Century: Prospects and Policy,” Presentation at the Henry Kendall Memorial Symposium, Cambridge, MA, October 23, 1999, <www.fas.org/rlg/102599nw21.htm>.

15. Stephen I. Schwartz, ed., Atomic Audit: The Costs and Consequences of U.S. Nuclear Weapons Since 1940 (Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 1998).

16. Winston Churchill, “Never Despair,” House of Commons, March 1, 1955, <www.winstonchurchill.org/learn/speeches/speeches-of-winston-churchill/102-never-despair>.

17. Deterrence and Survival in the Nuclear Age, Security Resources Panel of the Science Advisory Committee, Executive Office of the President, November 7, 1957.

18. David Monteyne, Fallout Shelter: Designing for Civil Defense in the Cold War (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), p. 46.

19. Lisa Jean Daly, Defending a Way of Life: Civil Defense in the United States, 1940–1963, PhD dissertation, Graduate School of Syracuse University, May 2005.

20. Christopher J. Bright, Continental Defense in the Eisenhower Era: Nuclear Antiaircraft Arms and the Cold War (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).

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22. Kaplan, “JFK's First-Strike Plan.”

23. Fred Kaplan, The Wizards of Armageddon (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983), p. 306.

24. Leslie Groves, “Statement on the Atomic Bomb and its Effect on the Army,” Appendix to JCS 1477/6, January 21, 1946, in CCS 471.6 (8-15-45) Sec. 2, Record Group [RG] 218, US National Archives, Washington, DC.

25. George W. Rathjens, Destruction of Chinese Nuclear Weapons Capabilities, Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, December 14, 1964.

26. William Burr and Jeffrey T. Richelson, “Whether to ‘Strangle the Baby in the Cradle’: The United States and the Chinese Nuclear Program, 1960–64,” International Security 25 (Winter 2000/2001), pp. 54–99.

27. See Matthew Fuhrmann and Sarah E. Kreps, “Targeting Nuclear Programs in War and Peace: A Quantitative Empirical Analysis, 1941–2000,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 54 (December 2010), pp. 831–59.

28. Joshua Handler, “National Missile Defense, Proliferation, Arms Control, Russia, and the United States,” Working Paper Series on Russia and the Former Soviet States, Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination, August 2003.

29. David E. Hoffman, The Dead Hand: The Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race and its Dangerous Legacy (New York: Random House, 2009), pp. 219–21.

30. Gennady Gerasimov “Current Problems of World Policy,” Mirovaya Ekonomika i Mezhdunarodnyye Otnosheniva [World Economics and International Relations] No. 7, 1983, p. 100.

31. Ronald Reagan, “Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security.”

32. See Glenn A. Kent and Randall J. DeValk, “Strategic Defenses and the Transition to Assured Survival,” RAND Corporation Report R-3369-AF, October 1986. See also Cortright and Väyrynen, Towards Nuclear Zero.

33. David Wright and Lisbeth Gronlund, “Twenty-five Years After Reagan's Star Wars Speech,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, April 1, 2008, <www.thebulletin.org/web-edition/op-eds/twenty-five-years-after-reagans-star-wars-speech>.

34. See “Table of US Strategic Offensive Force Loadings,” Natural Resources Defense Council, revised November 25, 2002, <www.nrdc.org/nuclear/nudb/datab1.asp>, and “Table of USSR/Russian Strategic Offensive Force Loadings,” Natural Resources Defense Council, revised November 25, 2002, <www.nrdc.org/nuclear/nudb/datab2.asp>.

35. George Perkovich, Jessica Tuchman Mathews, Joseph Cirincione, Rose Gottemoeller, and Jon Wolfsthal, “Universal Compliance: A Strategy for Nuclear Security,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, June 2007, <http://carnegieendowment.org/files/univ_comp_rpt07_final1.pdf>.

36. Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, March 5, 1970, Article VI.

37. Nikolai Sokov, “Reykjavik Summit: The Legacy and a Lesson for the Future,” Nuclear Threat Initiative Issue Brief, December 2007, <www.nti.org/analysis/articles/reykjavik-summit-legacy/>.

38. Fred Kaplan, “Ron and Mikhail's Excellent Adventure: How Reagan Won the Cold War,” Slate, June 9, 2004, <www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/war_stories/2004/06/ron_and_mikhails_excellent_adventure.html>.

39. George P. Shultz, William J. Perry, Henry A. Kissinger, and Sam Nunn, “A World Free of Nuclear Weapons,” Wall Street Journal, January 4, 2007, <www.hoover.org/publications/hoover-digest/article/6109>.

40. See Josef Joffe and James W. Davis, “Less Than Zero: Bursting the New Disarmament Bubble,” Foreign Affairs 90 (January/February 2011), pp. 2–9.

41. George Perkovich and James M. Acton, eds., Abolishing Nuclear Weapons: A Debate, Adelphi Paper 396, Routledge: 2009, p. 22.

42. McNamara, “The Dynamics of Nuclear Strategy.”

43. See David E. Hoffman, “Mutually Assured Misperception on SDI,” Arms Control Today, October 2010, <www.armscontrol.org/act/2010_10/Hoffman>.

44. Kaplan, “Ron and Mikhail's Excellent Adventure.”

45. Thomas Fingar, “How China Views US Nuclear Policy,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, May 20, 2011, <www.thebulletin.org/web-edition/features/how-china-views-us-nuclear-policy>.

46. Wright and Gronlund, “Twenty-five Years After Reagan's Star Wars Speech.”

47. See McGeorge Bundy, et al. “The President's Choice: Star Wars or Arms Control,” Foreign Affairs 63 (Winter 1984/1985), pp. 264–78.

48. For further discussion of the “low numbers problem,” see James M. Acton, “Low Numbers: A Practical Path to Deep Nuclear Reductions,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, March 28, 2011, <http://carnegieendowment.org/2011/03/28/low-numbers-practical-path-to-deep-nuclear-reductions>; and James M. Acton, “Deterrence During Disarmament: Deep Nuclear Reductions and International Security,” Adelphi Paper No. 417, Routledge: March 2011.

49. See Fred S. Hoffman, “The SDI in U.S. Nuclear Strategy: Senate Testimony,” International Security 10 (Summer 1985), pp. 13–24.

50. “Ionson defends SDI program,” The Tech 105 (October 29, 1985), <http://tech.mit.edu/V105/N45/sdi.45n.html>.

51. Edward Aldridge, testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee, March 18, 2003.

52. Jamie McIntyre, “Obama to be Told U.S. Missile Defense Capable, General Says,” CNN, November 12, 2008, <www.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/11/12/obama.missiles/index.html>.

53. See Elaine M. Grossman, “On Heels of Failed Intercept Test, Missile Defense Leader Excoriates Contractors,” Global Security Newswire, February 2, 2010, <www.nti.org/gsn/article/on-heels-of-failed-intercept-test-missile-defense-leader-excoriates-contractors/>, and William J. Broad, “Antimissile Testing Is Rigged To Hide a Flaw, Critics Say,” New York Times, June 9, 2000, <www.nytimes.com/2000/06/09/us/antimissile-testing-is-rigged-to-hide-a-flaw-critics-say.html>.

54. Former Senator Sam Nunn (D-GA) has remarked that “… missile defense must be debated as a technology, not a theology.” See Sam Nunn, “Toward a New Security Framework,” Woodrow Wilson Center, October 3, 2001, <www.nti.org/media/pdfs/speech_samnunn_100301.pdf?_=1316466791>.

55. See Robert Powell, “Nuclear Deterrence Theory, Nuclear Proliferation, and National Missile Defense,” International Security 27 (Spring 2003), pp. 86–118.

56. Benn Tannenbaum, “Bridging the Gap,” American Association for the Advancement of Science, <http://www.aaas.org/cstsp/files/BridgingTheGap.pdf>.

57. See David Cliff, Hassan Elbahtimy, and Andreas Persbo, “Verifying Warhead Dismantlement: Past, Present, Future,” VERTIC Research Report, September 2010, <www.vertic.org/media/assets/Publications/VM9.pdf>.

58. See “A Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty: Understanding the Critical Issues,” United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, 2010, <www.unidir.org/files/publications/pdfs/a-fissile-material-cut-off-treaty-understanding-the-critical-issues-139.pdf>; “Technical Steps to Support Nuclear Arsenal Downsizing,” A Report by the American Physical Society Panel on Public Affairs, 2010, and Andreas Persbo, “Verifying a Ban of Fissile Material Production,” Trust & Verify, Issue No. 126 (July-September 2009), pp. 8–11.

59. International Panel on Fissile Materials, “Global Fissile Material Report 2009: A Path to Nuclear Disarmament,” 2009, pp. 94–96, <http://fissilematerials.org/library/gfmr09.pdf>.

60. See Francis Slakey and Linda Cohen, “NRC Should Perform Non-Proliferation Assessment of Laser Enrichment Technology,” Physics & Society 39 (July 2010), pp. 15–17, <http://www.aps.org/units/fps/newsletters/201007/upload/july10.pdf>

61. Patricia Lewis, “Verification, Compliance, and Enforcement,” in Perkovich and Acton, Abolishing Nuclear Weapons, pp. 233–40.

62. For further discussion of latent deterrence, see Thomas C. Schelling, “Who Will Have the Bomb?” International Security 1 (Summer 1976), pp. 77–91; Jonathan Schell, The Abolition (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984); and Michael J. Mazarr, “Virtual Nuclear Arsenals,” Survival 37 (Autumn 1995), pp. 7–26.

63. Obama, “Remarks by President Barack Obama.”

64. Brad Roberts, “On Order, Stability, and Nuclear Abolition,” in Perkovich and Acton, Abolishing Nuclear Weapons, pp. 163–69.

65. See James R. Schlesinger, “Rhetoric and Realities in the Star Wars Debate,” International Security 10 (Summer 1985), pp. 3–12.

66. Frances FitzGerald, Way Out There in the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars and the End of the Cold War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), p. 258.

67. See Richard D. DeLauer, preface to The Strategic Defense Initiative Defensive Technologies Study (Washington, DC: Department of Defense, 1984).

68. See William Hartung, “Star Wars Pork Barrel,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January 1986, pp. 20–24.

69. A running joke in the national security community at the time was that if all the Vu-Graph transparencies (this was before PowerPoint) created for the SDI program could somehow be placed into orbit, the nation would indeed enjoy an impenetrable shield.

70. John Kogut and Michael Weissman, “Taking the Pledge Against Star Wars,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January 1986, pp. 27–30.

71. See Lee Butler and Andrew J. Goodpaster, “Joint Statement on Reduction of Nuclear Weapons Arsenals: Declining Utility, Continuing Risks,” National Press Club, Washington, DC, December 4, 1996.

72. The initial pursuit of SDI was strictly unilateral, though Reagan formally offered to share the technology with the Soviets to assuage their concerns that the system was offensively oriented. Soviet leaders were naturally suspicious of Reagan's sincerity, and nothing became of the proposal. See Rhodes, Arsenals of Folly, pp. 206–08. More recently, the United States has closely collaborated with several allies, notably Israel and Japan, on regional missile defenses.

73. Department of Defense, “Nuclear Posture Review Report,” April 6, 2010.

74. George Perkovich, “The Obama Nuclear Agenda One Year After Prague,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, March 31, 2010, <http://carnegieendowment.org/files/prague41.pdf>.

75. See Rhodes, Arsenals of Folly, p. 247.

76. Bruce Parrott, “The Soviet Debate on Missile Defense,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, April 1987, pp. 9–12.

77. William J. Broad, “Dispute on Star Wars Device Erupts,” New York Times, October 22, 1987, <www.nytimes.com/1987/10/22/us/dispute-on-star-wars-device-erupts.html>. See also Robert Scheer, “The Man Who Blew the Whistle on ‘Star Wars,’” Los Angeles Times, July 17, 1988, <http://articles.latimes.com/1988-07-17/magazine/tm-9636_1_x-ray-laser>.

78. Charles E. Bennett, “The Rush to Deploy SDI,” Atlantic Monthly, April 1988, <www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/issues/88apr/bennett-p1.htm>. See also “Strategic Defense Strategic Choices,” Recommendations of the Task Force on the Strategic Defense Initiative, Democratic Caucus of the US House of Representatives, May 1988. p. 7.

79. The rigged missile intercept occurred during the final test of the Homing Overlay Experiment, a series of flight tests of a system that employed a kinetic kill vehicle. According to General Accounting Office investigators, after three unsuccessful intercept attempts, “steps were taken to make it easier for the interceptor's sensor to find the target.” These “enhancements” included heating the target missile for increased infrared visibility. See General Accounting Office, “Ballistic Missile Defense: Records Indicate Deception Program Did Not Affect 1984 Test Results,” GAO/NSIAD-94-219, July 1994. See also Tim Weiner, “Inquiry Finds ‘Star Wars’ Tried Plan to Exaggerate Test Results,” New York Times, July 23, 1994, <www.nytimes.com/1994/07/23/us/inquiry-finds-star-wars-tried-plan-to-exaggerate-test-results.html>; and Tim Weiner, “General Details Altered ‘Star Wars’ Test,” New York Times, August 18, 1993, p. A19.

80. General Accounting Office, “Strategic Defense Initiative: Some Claims Overstated for Early Flight Tests of Interceptors,” GAO/NSIAD-92-282, September 1992.

81. James A. Abrahamson and Henry F. Cooper, “What Did We Get For Our $30-Billion Investment in SDI/BMD?” National Institute for Public Policy, September 1993, <www.nipp.org/National%20Institute%20Press/Archives/Publication%20Archive%20PDF/What%20for%20$30B_.pdf>.

82. New Deterrent Working Group, “Letter to Senators Harry Reid and Mitch McConnell,” December 13, 2010.

83. Ironically, SDI itself represented an evolution in the purpose of missile defenses. When the original ABM system was announced in 1967, its nominal mission was to defend the United States against a limited Chinese attack. Political, technical, and cost concerns then transformed it into a system to defend ICBMs rather than people. See Morton H. Halperin, “The Decision to Deploy the ABM: Bureaucratic and Domestic Politics in the Johnson Administration,” World Politics 25 (October 1972), pp. 62–95.

84. See Stephen J. Hadley, “A Call to Deploy,” Washington Quarterly 23 (Summer 2000), pp. 95–108.

85. Jessica Tuchman Mathews, “Reinvigorate Nuclear Nonproliferation,” Democracy: A Journal of Ideas 6 (Fall 2007), pp. 17–20.

86. Barack Obama and Jacob Zuma, “Remarks by President Obama and President Zuma of South Africa before Bilateral Meeting,” Blair House, Washington, DC, April 11, 2010, <www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-obama-and-president-zuma-south-africa-bilateral-meeting>.

87. Winston Churchill, “Never Despair.”

88. Sam Nunn, “Moving Away from Doomsday and Other Dangers: The Need to Think Anew,” National Press Club, March 29, 2001, <www.nti.org/media/pdfs/speech_samnunn_032901.pdf?_=1316466791>.

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