Brazilian nuclear policy during the Workers' Party years

ABSTRACT

Focusing on the tenure of the Workers' Party (2003–16), we appraise the tensions between the Brazilian government and international nuclear governance mechanisms after the end of the Cold War. We examine three main dimensions of Brazilian nuclear policy: the search for autonomy and the affirmation of sovereignty, the economic-development rationale, and the security aspect. We present an interpretation of Brazilian nuclear policy within its broader cultural setting and the framing of foreign policy and international relations as defined by the ruling elite.

KEYWORDS:

• Brazil
• South America
• deterrence
• naval submarines
• development
• Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons

Acknowledgements

We thank Lucas Peres for research assistance. We also thank the Hewlett Foundation, the National Counsel of Technological and Scientific Development (CNPq), and the Foundation for State Research in Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ) for funding this research.

Notes

1 Erving Goffman, Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience (New York, Harper & Row, 1974).

2 Neta C. Crawford, Argument and Change in Word Politics. Ethics, Decolonization, and Humanitarian Intervention (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 12.

3 The ruling elite refers to those in control of strategic decision-making processes in society. The ruling elite changes constantly and includes actors that have access to economic, military, political, and cultural resources that enable a significant impact in the way a society is governed. The competition between various regional or functional elites, clearly present during the democratic phase of Brazilian history, will not be analyzed here, although it has core relevance to this debate. See, for instance, Ettori Albertoni, Mosca and the Theory of Elitism (Oxford, New York: B. Blackwell, 1987).

4 Constituição [Constitution], 1988, <www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicao.htm>.

5 The 1997 Additional Protocol changes the IAEA's safeguards regime from a quantitative system focused on accounting for known quantities of materials and monitoring declared activities to a qualitative system aimed at gathering a comprehensive picture of a state's nuclear and nuclear-related activities, including all nuclear-related imports and exports. Most states have signed the protocol, and Brazil has been under pressure to do the same.

6 Ministry of Defense of Brazil, “Estratégia Nacional de Defesa [National Defense Strategy],” 2008, <www.defesa.gov.br/projetosweb/estrategia/arquivos/estrategia_defesa_nacional_portugues.pdf>; Ministry of Defense of Brazil, “Estratégia Nacional de Defesa [National Defense Strategy],” 2012, <www.defesa.gov.br/arquivos/estado_e_defesa/END-PND_Optimized.pdf>.

7 The same paragraph was included in National Defense Strategy (2008), p. 34.

8 Ibid., p. 40.

9 Article VI of the NPT refers to the obligation of states with nuclear weapons to pursue nuclear disarmament. See, for instance, Celina Assumpção do Valle Pereira, “Statement by Brazil at the 1st Session of the Preparatory Committee of the 2005 NPT Review Conference,” New York, April 8, 2002, <www.reachingcriticalwill.org/images/documents/Disarmament-fora/npt/prepcom02/statements/8April_Brazil.pdf>; Luis Felipe de Macedo Soares, “Statement by Brazil to the 2nd Session of the Preparatory Committee of the 2010 NPT Review Conference,” New York, April 28, 2008, <www.reachingcriticalwill.org/images/documents/Disarmament-fora/npt/prepcom08/statements/BrazilApril28.pdf>; Antonio Guerreiro, “Statement by Brazil to the 1st Preparatory Committee for the 2015 NPT Review Conference,” New York, May 2, 2012, <www.reachingcriticalwill.org/images/documents/Disarmament-fora/npt/prepcom12/statements/2May_Brazil.pdf>; “Statement by Brazil at the IAEA Board of Governors on the Conceptualization and Development of Safeguards Implementation at the State-level,” Vienna, September 2013, <www.facebook.com/Delbrasaiea/posts/243920075757581>; New Agenda Coalition, “Joint Statement by the New Agenda Coalition to the Conference on Disarmament,” Vienna, March 31, 2005, <www.reachingcriticalwill.org/images/documents/Disarmament-fora/cd/2005/statements/Mar31NAC.pdf>; New Agenda Coalition, “Joint Statement by the New Agenda Coalition to the Conference on Disarmament,” Vienna, August 3, 2006, <www.reachingcriticalwill.org/images/documents/Disarmament-fora/cd/2006/statements/3AugustNAC.pdf>; New Agenda Coalition, “Working Paper by the New Agenda Coalition to the 2010 NPT Review Conference (NPT Review Conference Document NPT/CONF.2010/WP.8),” New York, March 23, 2010, <www.reachingcriticalwill.org/images/documents/Disarmament-fora/npt/revcon2010/documents/WP8.pdf>.

10 For a view of the changes made to nuclear governance in the post-Cold War period, see Neil Cooper and David Mutimer, “Arms Control for the 21st Century Controlling the Means of Violence,” in Neil Cooper and David Mutimer, eds., Reconceptualising Arms Control (London: Routledge, 2012); Chaim Braun and Christopher Chyba, “Proliferation Rings: New Challenges to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Regime,” International Security 29 (Fall 2004), pp. 5­–49.

11 See “Proliferation Security Initiative Participants,” US Department of State, June 9, 2015, <www.state.gov/t/isn/c27732.htm>.

12 Mônica Herz and Nizar Messari, “A Política na Política Internacional,” Política Externa 20 (2012), pp. 47-60.

13 Diego Santos Vieira de Jesus, “Noites tropicais: O Brasil e a Nova Era da Não Proliferação e do desarmemanto Nucleares (2003–2010),” Revista de Sociologia e Política, 20 (2012), pp. 43–57.

14 Daniel Flemes, “Brazil's nuclear policy from technological dependence to civil nuclear power,” GIGA 23 (June 2006).

15 The Brazilian-Turkish effort was then criticized by the United States and other nuclear powers, and, in June 2010, the UN Security Council approved a resolution imposing new sanctions to Iran. See Carlo Patti, “Brazil and the Nuclear issues in the years of the Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva government,” Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 53 (2010), p. 192.

16 The main goal of the 1998 New Agenda Coalition is the elimination of nuclear weapons and the guarantee of the prohibition of their future production. Members include Brazil, Egypt, Ireland, Mexico, New Zealand, and South Africa. (Slovenia and Sweden, other original members, subsequently withdrew after the coalition's 1998 debut.)

For the full text of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, see <www.un.org/disarmament/WMD/Nuclear/NPTtext.shtml>. See also Sharon Squassoni, Grading Progress on 13 Steps Towards Disarmament (Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2009); Diego Santos Vieira de Jesus, “Autonomia e proteção: os Estados nas Conferências de Exame do TNP (2000–2010),” Oikos 11 (2012), pp. 36–62; Diego Santos Vieira de Jesus, “Mirando o passado: autonomia e proteção nas Conferências de Exame do TNP (2000–2010),” História 31 (January/June 2012), pp. 392–419. The Thirteen Steps are in paragraph 15 of the Final Document of the 2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons: 2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons Final Document, NPT/CONF.2000/28 (Parts I and II), 2000, <https://unoda-web.s3.amazonaws.com/wp-content/uploads/assets/WMD/Nuclear/pdf/finaldocs/2000%20-%20NY%20-%20NPT%20Review%20Conference%20–%20Final%20Document%20Parts%20I%20and%20II.pdf>, pp. 14–15.

17 For example, Letícia Pinheiro, “Traídos pelo Desejo: Um Ensaio sobre a Teoria e a Prática da Política Externa Brasileira Contemporânea,” Contexto Internacional 22 (July/December 2000), pp. 305–35.

18 Gelson Fonseca Jr., “Alguns Aspectos da Política Externa Brasileira Contemporânea,” in Gelson Fonseca Jr., A Legitimidade e Outras Questões Internacionais (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1998), pp. 353–74.

19 Sean W. Burges, “Consensual Hegemony: Theorizing Brazilian Foreign Policy after the Cold War,” International Relations 22 (March 2008), pp. 65–84; and Andrés Malamud, “A Leader without Followers? The Growing Divergence between the Regional and Global Performance of Brazilian Foreign Policy,” Latin American Politics and Society 53 (Fall 2011), pp. 1–24.

20 Tulio Vigevani and Gabriel Cepaluni, “A Política Externa de Lula da Silva: A Estratégia da Autonomia pela Diversificação,” Contexto Internacional 29 (2007), pp. 273–335. See also Pinheiro, “Traídos pelo Desejo,” pp. 305–35.

21 Mônica Herz, “Brazil and R2P: responsibility while protecting,” in Mónica Serrano and Thomas Weiss, eds., The International Politics of Human Rights: Rallying to the R2P Cause? (London: Routledge, 2014), pp. 107–28.

22 Maria Regina Soares de Lima, “Aspiração Internacional e Política Externa,” Revista Brasileira de Comércio Exterior 82 (2005), pp. 4–19.

23 Maria Regina Soares de Lima, “Brazil Rising,” Internationale Politik (2008), pp. 62–67.

24 Mônica Herz, “Brazil: Major Power in the Making?” in Thomas J. Volgy, Renato Corbetta, Keith A. Grant, and Ryan G. Baird, eds., Major Powers and the Quest for Status in International Politics: global and regional perspectives (New York: Palgrave/MacMillan, 2011), pp. 159–79.

25 Monica Herz and João Pontes Nogueira, Ecuador vs. Peru: Peacemaking Amid Rivalry (Boulder Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002).

26 “Brazil takes off,” Economist, November 12, 2009, <www.economist.com/node/14845197>.

27 Daniel Flemes, “Emerging Middle Powers´ Soft Balancing Strategy State and Perspectives of the IBSA Dialogue Forum,” GIGA Working Papers 57, GIGA Institute of Latin American Studies, 2007.

28 Tulio Vigevani and Gabriel Cepaluni, “A Política Externa de Lula da Silva,” pp. 273–335.

29 Kai Michael Kenkel, “Interesses e identidades na participação do Brasil em Operações de Paz,” Revista Tempo do Mundo 3 (August 2011), pp. 9–35. On Brazilian foreign policy during the period, see Paulo Almeida, “Uma nova arquitetura diplomatica? Interpretações divergentes sobre a política externa do governo Lula (2003–2006),” Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 49 (January–June 2006), pp. 95–116; Paulo Almeida, “Lulás Foreign Policy,” in J. Love and W. Baer, eds., Brazil Under Lula Economy, Politics, and Society Under the Worker-president (New York, NY: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009), pp. 167–83; Amado Cervo, “A política exterior de Cardoso a Lula,” Revista Brasileira de Política Interncional 46 (January-June 2003), pp. 5–11; Maria Regina Soares de Lima, “Tradición e innovación en la política exterior brasileña,” Plataforma Diplomática – Working Paper 3 (2010), pp. 1–31, <www.plataformademocratica.org/Arquivos/Tradicion%20e%20Innovacion%20en%20la%20Politica%20Exterior%20Brasilena.pdf>; Alcidez Vaz, “Brazilian Foreign Policy Under Lula Change or Continuity?,” Dialogue on Globalization - FEX Briefing Paper (April, 2004), pp. 1–4, <www.fes.org.gt/documentos/Foreignpol-Brazil.PDF>; and Alcidez Vaz, “O Governo Lula Uma nova política exterior?” in Clóvis Brigagão and D. Proença Jr, eds., O Brasil e a Conjuntura Internacional: Paz e Segurança internacional (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Gramma, Fundação Konrad Adenauer, 2006), pp. 85–96.

30 For more information, see Carlo Patti, O programa nuclear brasileiro: uma história oral (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Fundação Getúlio Vargas, 2014) and Carlo Patti, “Origins and evolution of the Brazilian Nuclear Program,” Wilson Center, Nuclear Proliferation International History Program, 2013, <www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/origins-and-evolution-the-brazilian-nuclear- program-1947-2011>.

31 José Goldemberg, “News and Views: Perspectives for Nuclear Energy in Brazil After Fukushima,” Brazilian Journal of Physics 41 (September 2011), pp. 103–06.

32 Ministry of Defense of Brazil, Estratégia Nacional de Defesa [National Defense Strategy], 2008.

33 Ibid., p. 33.

34 Ministry of Mines and Energy of Brazil, Plano Nacional de Energia 2030, <www.epe.gov.br/PNE/Forms/Empreendimento.aspx>. See also Leonam dos Santos Guimarães, “Nuclear Power In Brazil,” presentation at the workshop “Brazil and the Global Nuclear Order,” organized by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Getúlio Vargas Foundation (FGV), Rio de Janeiro, May 15, 2012.

35 L. Machado, “Brasil e Argentina assinam acordo para construção de reatores nucleares de pesquisa," Informe CNEN 2 (2011); NPS Global, “Nuclear agreement between Argentina and Brazil after Dilma Rousseff's official visit,” NPS Global website, February 1, 2011, <http://npsglobal.org/eng/news/139-peaceful-uses/1001-nuclear-agreement-argentina-brazil-dilma-rousseff-official-visit.html>; and Luis Nassif, “Brasil e França iniciam construção de submarino nuclear,” Luis Nassif Online, July 8, 2012, <http://advivo.com.br/blog/luisnassif/brasil-e-franca-iniciam-construcao-de-submarino-nuclear>; and R. Giraldi, “Dilma e Cristina Kirchner vão fechar parceria para construção de reatores nucleares,” Correio Democrático, October 2, 2012, <www.correiodemocratico.com.br/2011/01/dilma-e-cristina-kirchner-vaofechar-parceria-para-construcao-de-reatores-nucleares>.

36 Gabriel de Paula, “Brasil e Argentina consolidan su estratégia de desarrollo bilateral,” U238, April 9, 2015, <http://u-238.com.ar/argentina-y-brasil-consolidan-su-estrategia-de-desarrollo-bilateral/>.

37 Ibid.

38 Exequiel Lacovsky, “La cooperacíon nuclar entre brasil y Argentina,” U238, December 11, 2012, <http://u-238.com.ar/la-cooperacion-nuclear-entre-argentina-y-brasil/>.

39 For more on the “developmentalist” project in Brazil, see Ricardo Bielschowski, Pensamento econômico brasileiro: o ciclo ideológico do desenvolvimentismo (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Contraponto, 2000 [1988]); and Rafael Ioris, Transforming Brazil: a history of national development in the postwar era (New York: Routledge: 2014).

40 Celso Furtado, Formação Econômica do Brasil (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2007 [1959]). See also Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto, Dependência e Desenvolvimento na América Latina: Ensaio de Interpretação Sociológica (Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2004 [1970]).

41 Anthony Pereira and Lauro Mattei, eds., The Brazilian Economy Today: Towards a New Socio-Economic Model? (New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016).

42 World Nuclear Association, “Nuclear Power in Brazil,” World Nuclear Association, October 2015, <www.world-nuclear.org/info/Country-Profiles/Countries-A-F/Brazil/>.

43 Pedro Carlos da Silva Telles, História da construção naval no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Fundação de Estudos do Mar, 2001); Alexandre M. Saes and Roney Cytrynowicz, Cinquentenário do convênio entre a Marinha do Brasil e a Universidade de São Paulo. A criação do curso de Engenharia Naval na Escola Politécnica (São Paulo: Narrativa, 2007).

44 Daniel Theberge de Viveiros and Diego da Silva Cespes, “Submarino nuclear: poder de dissuasão no mar,” Revista Marítima Brasileira 133 (July-September 2013), pp. 201­–09; Julio Soares de Moura Neto, “Comandante da Marinha: ‘A importância da construção do submarino de propulsão nuclear brasileiro’,” Marinha do Brasil, August 4, 2009, <www.mar.mil.br/menu_h/noticias/cm/Aimportanciadaconstrucaodosubmarinodepropulsaonuclearbrasileiro/Aimportanciadaconstrucaodosubmarinodepnb.htm>.

45 Jef Huysmans, The Politics of Insecurity: Fear, migration and asylum in the EU (London: Routledge, 2006), p.11. We choose not to engage in the debate on the role of intentions in the construction of arguments developed by the ruling elite.

46 Ibid., p.16.

47 Didier Bigo, “Security and Immigration: Toward a Critique of the Governmentality of Unease,” Alternatives 27 (Special Issue, February 2002), pp. 63–92.

48 José Roberto Martins Filho, “O Projeto do Submarino Nuclear Brasileiro,” Contexto Internacional 33 (July/December 2011), pp. 277–314; and José Roberto Martins Filho, “The Brazilian Nuclear Submarine Project,” presentation at the workshop “Brazil and the Global Nuclear Order,” organized by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Fundação Getulio Vargas (FGV), Rio de Janeiro, May 15, 2012.

49 Ibid.

50 Fernanda das Graças Corrêa, O projeto do submarino nuclear brasileiro (Rio de Janeiro: Capax Dei, 2010), p. 175.

51 Ministry of Defense of Brazil, “Política de Defesa Nacional,” 2005, <www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2004-2006/2005/Decreto/D5484.htm>; Ministry of Defense of Brazil, “Estratégia Nacional de Defesa,” 2008.

52 Ministry of Defense of Brazil, “Política de Defesa Nacional,” 2005.

53 Ibid.

54 Yara Aquino, “Governo Cria Empresa para Desenvolver Tecnologias do Programa Nuclear,” Agência Brasil, September 9, 2012, <http://memoria.ebc.com.br/agenciabrasil/noticia/2012-08-09/governo-cria-empresa-para-desenvolver-tecnologias-do-programa-nuclear>. See the definition of Amazul according to Nuclebras Equipamentos Pesados S.A. (NUCLEP), a company associate with the Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, at <www.nuclep.gov.br/en/news/o-que-amazul>.

55 Togzhan Kassenova, Brazil's Nuclear Kaleidoscope: An Evolving Identity (Washington: Carnegie Endowment for Peace, 2014).

56 Marcus Vinicius Oliveira dos Santos, “Submarino Nuclear,” Revista Marítima Brasileira 128 (October/December 2008), pp. 8–12.

57 Ibid., p. 10.

58 Moura Neto, “A importância da construção do submarino de propulsão nuclear brasileiro.”

59 Ministry of Defense of Brazil, “Estratégia Nacional de Defesa,” 2008, p. 20.

60 This concept originates in Glenn H. Snyder, “Deterrence by Denial and Punishment,” Research Monograph No. 1, Center of International Studies, Princeton University, January 2, 1959. See also Lawrence Freedman, Deterrence (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005). – ed.

61 Patrick M. Morgan, Deterrence: A Conceptual Analysis (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1977).

62 Huysmans, The Politics of Insecurity, 2006. See also Patrick M. Morgan, Deterrence: A Conceptual Analysis (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1977). – ed.

63 Morgan, Deterrence, p. 3.