560
Views
2
CrossRef citations to date
0
Altmetric
Original Articles

“GOOD COP/BAD COP” AS A MODEL FOR NONPROLIFERATION DIPLOMACY TOWARD NORTH KOREA AND IRAN

Pages 61-88 | Published online: 25 Apr 2007
 

Abstract

Scholarly and popular literature in the recent past has framed nonproliferation diplomacy toward both Iran and North Korea as an example of “good cop/bad cop,” a social-psychological strategy borrowed from law enforcement to describe a process for forcing a confession by subjecting a target to stressful emotional contrast. This article examines those two cases, roughly covering the period since 2003, when the most recent attempts to deal with the Iranian and North Korean proliferation threats began, in light of criteria for employment of the good cop/bad cop strategy. There is some evidence that within the framework of the six-party talks with North Korea and within the framework of the EU-3-U.S. diplomacy toward Iran, the players seeking nonproliferation have adopted good cop/bad cop roles to that end. The article concludes, however, that while there are similarities to the interrogation room technique, the complexity of the international political environment as compared to the interrogation room has prevented the states involved from successfully adopting or effectively exploiting good and bad cop roles. Substantial and exploitable differences of interest among them, and the availability of alternative “escape routes” for the target state, raise serious questions about the applicability of the good cop/bad cop strategy to these two nonproliferation cases, and even about its applicability in future nonproliferation challenges.

Notes

1. U.S. Dept. of State, Richard L. Armitage, Interview with Mohamed Alami of Al Jazeera Television, Nov. 19, 2004, <www.state.gov/s/d/former/armitage/remarks/38516.htm>.

2. A simple Google search for Iran/nuclear/good cop turned up more than 600,000 hits, and more than 400,000 hits were returned when North Korea was substituted for Iran.

3. Anat Rafaeli and Robert Sutton, “Emotional Contrast Strategies as Means of Social Influence: Lessons from Criminal Interrogators and Bill Collectors,” Academy of Management Journal 34 (1991), p. 758.

4. Susan E. Brodt and Marla Tuchinsky, “Working Together but in Opposition: An Examination of the ‘Good-Cop/Bad-Cop’ Negotiating Team Tactic,” Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 81 (March 2000), p. 156.

5. Susan E. Brodt and Marla Tuchinsky, “Working Together but in Opposition: An Examination of the ‘Good-Cop/Bad-Cop’ Negotiating Team Tactic,” Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 81 (March 2000), p. 162; see Rafaeli and Sutton, “Emotional Contrast Strategies,” pp. 766, 770.

6. Robert B. Cialdini, Influence: Science and Practice, 3rd edition (New York: William Morrow, 1993), p. 154.

7. Rafaeli and Sutton, “Emotional Contrast Strategies,” p. 751.

8. Rafaeli and Sutton, “Emotional Contrast Strategies,” p. 751.

9. Rafaeli and Sutton, “Emotional Contrast Strategies,” p. 751., p. 769.

10. Brodt and Tuchinsky, “Working Together,” p. 156.

11. Robert Adler, Benson Rosen, and Elliott Silverstein, “The Art of Tough Negotiating: Thrust and Parry,” Training and Development 500 (1996).

12. Michael Watkins and Susan Rosegrant, Breakthrough International Negotiation: How Great Negotiators Transformed the World in the Toughest Post-Cold War Conflicts (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2001), p. 26.

13. Brodt and Tuchinsky, “Working Together.”

14. James W. Davis Jr., Threats and Promises: The Pursuit of International Influence (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), p. 11.

15. Kimberly Ann Elliott and Gary Clyde Hufbauer, “Sanctions,” The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics, <www.econlib.org/library/Enc/Sanctions.html>.

16. Thomas C. Schelling, Arms and Influence (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1966), p. 75, cited in Davis, Threats and Promises, p. 29.

17. See Gary C. Hufbauer and Jeffrey L. Schott, Economic Sanctions Reconsidered: History and Current Policy (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1990); and Franklin Lavin, “Asphyxiation or Oxygen? The Sanctions Dilemma,” Foreign Policy 104 (Fall 1996).

18. On domestic disunity over incentives in the sender state, see Thomas Bernauer, “Positive Incentives in Nuclear Nonproliferation,” in Thomas Bernauer and Dieter Ruloff, The Politics of Positive Incentives in Arms Control (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999), p. 32, and Curtis H. Martin, “Rewarding North Korea: Theoretical Perspectives on the 1994 Agreed Framework,” Journal of Peace Research 39 (Jan. 2002), p. 55.

19. Roger Fisher, Andrea Kupfer Schneider, Elizabeth Borgwardt, and Brian Ganson, Coping with International Conflict: A Systematic Approach to Influence in International Negotiation (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1997), pp. 68–75.

20. On the special importance of assurances in influence attempts, see Davis, Threats and Promises, pp. 11–12.

21. On the special importance of assurances in influence attempts, see Davis, Threats and Promises, pp. 11–12., p. 19.

22. Victor D. Cha, “Response: Why We Must Pursue ‘Hawk Engagement,’” in Victor D. Cha and David C. Kang, Nuclear North Korea: A Debate on Engagement Strategies (New York: Columbia, 2003), pp. 70–100.

23. Steve Chan and A. Cooper Drury, “Sanctions as Economic Statecraft: An Overview,” in Chan and Drury, eds., Sanctions as Economic Statecraft: Theory and Practice (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000). Also see Daniel Drezner, The Sanctions Paradox: Economic Statecraft and International Relations (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999); William J. Long, Economic Incentives and Bilateral Cooperation (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996); and Fisher et al., Coping with International Conflict.

24. Irving Janis, Decision Making (New York: Free Press, 1977); Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976); Herbert C. Kelman, “Social-Psychological Dimensions of International Conflict,” in I. William Zartman and J. Lewis Rasmussen, eds., Peacemaking in International Conflict: Methods and Techniques (Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace, 1997), pp. 191–238.

25. Kelman, “Social-Psychological Dimensions of International Conflict,” p. 192.

26. Davis, Threats and Promises, p. 32.

27. Charles L. Glaser, “The Security Dilemma Revisited,” World Politics 50 (Oct. 1997), pp. 171–201.

28. Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay, America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2004), pp. 45–47.

29. International Crisis Group, “China and North Korea: Comrades Forever?” Asia Report, No. 112 (Feb. 1, 2006), p. 7.

30. Kenneth M. Pollack, “Bringing Iran to the Bargaining Table,” Current History 105 (Nov. 2006), p. 368; Mohamad Bazzi, “Iranian Factions Struggle over Nuclear Policy Control; Bush Asks Answer to Offer in July,” Boston Globe, June 28, 2006.

31. Shahram Chubin and Robert S. Litwak, “Debating Iran's Nuclear Aspirations,” Washington Quarterly 26 (2003), p. 103.

32. On Russia's diplomatic strategy, see Nikolai Sokov, “The Prospects of Russian Mediation of the Iranian Nuclear Crisis,” CNS Research Story, Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Monterey Institute for International Studies, Feb. 17, 2006, <http://cns.miis.edu/pubs/week/060217.htm>.

33. Emmanuel Todd, After the Empire: The Breakdown of the American Order (New York: Columbia, 2001); Robert Kagan, Of Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order (New York: Knopf, 2003); and William Wallace, “Europe, the Necessary Partner,” Foreign Affairs 80 (May–June 2001), pp. 16–34.

34. Daalder and Lindsay, America Unbound.

35. Wallace, “Europe, the Necessary Partner,” pp. 23, 26; Andrew Newman, “The Disarmament of Iraq: WMD Nonproliferation Template?” Australian Journal of International Affairs 58 (June 2004), p. 229.

36. Kagan, Of Paradise and Power, p. 61.

37. Peter VanNess, “China's Response to the Bush Doctrine,” World Policy Journal 21 (Winter 2004/2005), pp. 38–47; Jean Garrison, “China's Prudent Cultivation of ‘Soft’ Power and Its Implications for U.S. Policy in East Asia,” Asian Affairs: An American Review 32 (March 2005), pp. 25–30.

38. William Pfaff, “Good Cop, Bad Cop: Two Approaches to Terrorism,” Commonwealth 131 (April 23, 2004), p. 8.

39. Philip Gordon, Interview, Global Newswire, “The Charlie Rose Show,” PBS, Feb. 16, 2005; Steven Everts, “The Ultimate Test Case: Can Europe and America Forge a Joint Strategy for the Wider Middle East?” International Affairs 80 (2004), p. 680.

40. Robert J. Einhorn, “The Iran Nuclear Issue,” a briefing paper for the Aspen Institute Conference, Iran: Prospects for a Common Transatlantic Agenda, July 6–8, 2004, <www.aspeninstitute.org/atf/cf/{DEB6F227-659B-4EC8-8F84-8DF23CA704F5}/HAGUEBRIEFINGPAPERII.PDF>.

41. Daalder and Lindsay, America Unbound, p. 184.

42. Daalder and Lindsay, America Unbound, p. 187; Roger Howard, Iran in Crisis: Nuclear Ambitions and the American Response (New York: Zed Books, 2004), p. 9.

43. Einhorn, “The Iran Nuclear Issue”; George Perkovich, “Taming Tehran,” Foreign Affairs, author update (Nov. 24, 2004), <www.foreignaffairs.org/20041124faupdate83676/george-perkovich/taming-tehran.html>.

44. Steven R. Weisman, “U.S. Acquiesces in European Plan for Talks with Iran,” New York Times, Oct. 16, 2004.

45. Kenneth M. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle: The Conflict between Iran and America (New York: Random House, 2004), p. 368.

46. Steven Weisman, “U.S. Pressure Yields Curbs on Iran in Europe,” New York Times, May 22, 2006 <www.nytimes.com/2006/05/22/world/middleeast/22iran.html>.

47. Kenneth M. Pollack and Ray Takeyh, “Taking on Tehran,” Foreign Affairs 84 (March/April 2005), pp. 27–28.

48. Richard N. Haass, The Opportunity: America's Moment to Alter History's Course (New York: Public Affairs, 2005), p. 101.

49. Michael Donovan, “A Transatlantic Approach to Iran,” Center for Defense Information, Aug. 13, 2004, <www.cdi.org/program/document.cfm?DocumentID=2371&from_page=/index.cfm >.

50. Michael Rubin, “Only Threat of Force will Tame Tehran,” Sunday Observer, Oct. 9, 2005, http://observer.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,,1588150,00.html.

51. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle, p. 365.

52. U.S. Dept. of State, Press Conference, May 31, 2006, “Press Conference on Iran,” <www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2006/67103.htm>.

53. Wyn Q. Bowen and Joanna Kidd, “The Iranian Nuclear Challenge,” International Affairs 80 (2004), p. 267.

54. Chubin and Litwak, “Debating Iran's Nuclear Aspirations,” p. 108.

55. Pollack argues that convergence of U.S. and European positions was not proof of strategic coordination, but rather of neglect, policy disarray, distraction, and passivity on the part of the Bush administration. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle, p. 368.

56. Donovan, “A Transatlantic Approach to Iran.”

57. Amir Seyyadayn, “The European Reputation,” reported in “Iranian Comment Urges Exploitation of US-EU Differences in Nuclear Talks,” Global Newswire, BBC Monitoring Service, Feb. 16, 2005.

58. Council on Foreign Relations, transcript, Sept. 13, 2005, “Iran and Nuclear Proliferation,” <www.cfr.org/publication/8877/iran_and_nuclear_proliferation_rush_transcript_federal_news_service_inc.html>.

59. Dmitri Trenin, “Russia Leaves the West,” Foreign Affairs 85 (July/Aug. 2006), p. 94.

60. International Crisis Group, “China and North Korea,” p. 12.

61. Weisman, “U.S. Acquiesces in European Plan for Talks with Iran.”

62. Everts, “The Ultimate Test Case,” p. 676.

63. Einhorn, “The Iran Nuclear Issue.”

64. Seymour M. Hersh, “Annals of National Security: Last Stand: The Military's Problem with the President's Iran Policy,” New Yorker, July 10, 2006, pp. 42–49, <www.newyorker.com/fact/content/articles/060710fa_fact>.

65. Seymour M. Hersh, “Annals of National Security: Last Stand: The Military's Problem with the President's Iran Policy,” New Yorker, July 10, 2006, pp. 42–49, <www.newyorker.com/fact/content/articles/060710fa_fact>.

66. Pollack, The Persian Puzzle, pp. 367–369.

67. “Iran's Nuclear Threat,” editorial, New York Times, Oct. 22, 2004, p. A22; Sammy Salama and Karen Ruster, “A Preemptive Attack on Iran's Nuclear Facilities: Possible Consequences,” CNS Research Story, Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies, Sept. 9, 2004, <www.cns.miis.edu/pubs/week/040812.htm>.

68. Bowen and Kidd, “The Iranian Nuclear Challenge,” p. 265.

69. Joel S. Wit, Daniel B. Poneman, and Robert L. Gallucci, Going Critical: The First North Korean Nuclear Crisis (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2004), p. 405; John Feffer, “Caught in the Muddle—Round Two of Bush vs. North Korea,” Nautilus Institute, Policy Forum Online, PFO 05-15A, Feb. 16, 2005, <www.nautilus.org/fora/security/0515A-feffer.html>.

70. Ralph Cossa, “Pyongyang Raises the Stakes,” Nautilus Institute, Policy Forum Online, PFO 05-17A, Feb. 22, 2005, <www.nautilus.org/fora/security/0517A_Cossa.html>.

71. Japan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “Joint Declaration on the Promotion of Tripartite Cooperation among Japan, the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Korea,” Oct. 7, 2003, <www.mofa.go.jp/region/asia-paci/asean/conference/asean3/joint0310.html>.

72. U.S. House of Representatives, testimony by Jon B. Wolfstahl, to the International Relations Committee, Subcommittees on Asia and the Pacific and on International Terrorism and Nonproliferation, Feb. 17, 2005, <www.internationalrelations.house.gov/archives/109/wol021705.htm>.

73. Aidan Foster-Carter, “The Six-Party Failure,” Nautilus Institute, Policy Forum Online, PFO 05-16A, Feb. 17, 2005, <www.nautilus.org/fora/security/0516A_Carter.html>.

74. Sheila Miyoshi Jager, “Time to End the Korean War: The Korean Nuclear Crisis in the Era of Unification,” Japan Focus (Oct. 2006), <www.japanfocus.org/products/details/2255>.

75. David Fouse, “Japan's Post-Cold War North Korea Policy: Hedging Toward Autonomy?” Asian Affairs: An American Review 31 (Summer 2004), p. 115. In 2002 Kim Jong Il admitted that the DPRK had over a number of years kidnapped 13 Japanese citizens. In the absence of a satisfactory accounting by the North, Japan continues to regard the issue as a serious impediment to improved relations.

76. Hy-Sang Lee, “Allow Two Nukes for North Korea,” Nautilus Institute, Policy Forum Online, PFO 05-22A, March 10, 2005, <www.nautilus.org/fora/security/0522A_Lee.html>.

77. James Clay Moltz and C. Kenneth Quinones, “Getting Serious about a Multilateral Approach to North Korea,” Nonproliferation Review 11 (Spring 2004), p. 142.

78. James Brooke, “Koreans Sidestep U.S. to Forge Political and Pragmatic Links,” New York Times, June 26, 2004.

79. Donald G. Gross, “South Korea Confronts U.S. Hardliners on North Korea,” Pacific Forum, Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Comparative Connections 4 (Oct.–Dec. 2004), <www.csis.org/pacfor/cc/0404Qus_skorea.html>.

80. David Shambaugh, “China and the Korea Peninsula,” Washington Quarterly 26 (Spring 2003), p. 51.

81. International Crisis Group, “China and North Korea” pp. 6–13.

82. U.S. House of Representatives, Wolfstahl testimony.

83. Cossa, “Pyongyang Raises the Stakes.”

84. Scott Snyder, “Waiting Game,” CSIS Pacific Forum, Comparative Connections 4 (Oct.–Dec. 2004),<www.csis.org/pacfor/cc/0404Qchina_skorea.html>.

85. Moltz and Quinones, “Getting Serious,” p. 139.

86. Shambaugh, “China and the Korea Peninsula,” p. 44.

87. Moltz and Quinones, “Getting Serious,” pp. 140–141.

88. Joseph P. Ferguson, “Russia's Role on the Korean Peninsula and Great Power Relations in Northeast Asia,” NBR Analysis 14 (2003), p. 48.

89. Moltz and Quinones, “Getting Serious,” pp. 140–141.

90. James Clay Moltz, “Russian Policy on the North Korean Nuclear Crisis,” presentation at the 13th Annual International Security Conference of Sandia National Laboratories, April 23–25, 2003, Center for Nonproliferation Studies website, <http://cns.miis.edu/research/korea/ruspol.htm>.

91. Larry A. Niksch, “North Korea's Nuclear Weapons Program,” CRS Issue Brief for Congress, Aug. 31, 2005, <www.fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/55822.pdf>.

92. Aidan Foster-Carter, “The Six-Party Failure.”

93. Ian Bremmer, “Moody's Parallel Universe on North Korea's Nukes,” Nautilus Institute, Policy Forum Online, PFO 04-30, Aug. 12, 2004, <www.nautilus.org/fora/security/0430_Bremmer.html>.

94. Ryo Jin, “Rice Rejects Separate Deal in Nuke Talks,” Korea Times, March 16, 2005, <www.times.hankooki.com>; Daniel Pinkston, “Korea Expert Pinkston: Six-Nation North Korea Talks ‘Are Dead,’” Interview, Council on Foreign Relations, May 9, 2005, </www.cfr.org/publication/8087/korea_expert_pinkston.html>.

95. Charles L. Pritchard, “Six-Party Talks Update: False Start or a Case for Optimism?” presented at a conference on “The Changing Korean Peninsula and the Future of East Asia,” sponsored by the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies and the Seoul Forum of International Affairs, Dec. 1, 2005, </www.brook.edu/fp/cnaps/events/20051201presentation.htm>.

96. Noriyuki Katagiri, “North Korea's Nuclear Program: Analyzing ‘Confessional Diplomacy,’” Center for Defense Information, Oct. 28, 2002, <www.cdi.org/nuclear/nkorea-pr.cfm>.

97. Harry Sterling, “Bush's Hardline Approach to NK is Producing No Results,” Nautilus Institute, Policy Forum Online, PFO 04-36A, Sept. 30, 2004, <www.nautilus.org/fora/security/0437A-Sterling.html>; David Sanger, “Administration Divided over North Korea,” New York Times, April 21, 2003; U.S. Senate, statement by Ashton Carter to the Committee on Foreign Relations, July 15, 2004; Foster-Carter, “The Six-Party Failure.”

98. Cossa, “Pyongyang Raises the Stakes.”

99. Niksch, “North Korea's Nuclear Weapons Program.”

100. Wit et al., Going Critical, p. 402; Henry Sokolski, “Nonproliferation Hinges on North Korea,” Asian Wall Street Journal, Aug. 18, 2003.

101. Gross, “South Korea Confronts U.S.”

102. “US Double-Dealing Tactics Under Fire,” Korean Central News Agency of DPRK, April 28, 2005, <www.kcna.co.jp/item/2005/200504/news04/28.htm#6>.

103. Wade L. Huntley, “Fiddling While Pyongyang Reprocesses: Bush Administration Folly and the Emergence of Nuclear North Korea,” Nautilus Institute, Policy Forum Online, PFO 05-02A, Jan. 6, 2005; Choe Kwan Ik, “Ten Reasons Why US Cannot Attack North Korea,” People's Korea, April 8, 2003, <www1.korea-np.jp/pk/189th_issue/200303111.htm>.

104. Jack Pritchard, “While US Looked for Iraqi WMD, North Korea Built Theirs,” Yale Global Online, March 31, 2004, http://yaleglobal.yale.edu; Joseph Cirincione and Jon B. Wolfsthal, “No Good Choices: The Implications of a Nuclear North Korea,” Brown Journal of World Affairs 12 (2005), pp. 270, 274.

105. Huntley, “Fiddling While Pyongyang Reprocesses.”

106. Don Oberdorfer, “The United States and South Korea: Can This Alliance Last?” Nautilus Institute, Policy Forum Online, PFO 05-93A, Nov. 17, 2005, <www.nautilus.org/fora/security/0593oberdorfer.html>.

107. Haass, The Opportunity, p. 98.

108. Bernauer, “Positive Incentives,” in Bernauer and Ruloff, eds., The Politics of Positive Incentives, p. 177.

Log in via your institution

Log in to Taylor & Francis Online

PDF download + Online access

  • 48 hours access to article PDF & online version
  • Article PDF can be downloaded
  • Article PDF can be printed
USD 53.00 Add to cart

Issue Purchase

  • 30 days online access to complete issue
  • Article PDFs can be downloaded
  • Article PDFs can be printed
USD 231.00 Add to cart

* Local tax will be added as applicable

Related Research

People also read lists articles that other readers of this article have read.

Recommended articles lists articles that we recommend and is powered by our AI driven recommendation engine.

Cited by lists all citing articles based on Crossref citations.
Articles with the Crossref icon will open in a new tab.