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Article

REFASHIONING AUSTRALIA'S NUCLEAR BARGAIN?

The Challenges of Changing Strategic, Regime, and Market Environments

Pages 311-334 | Published online: 12 Jun 2008
 

Abstract

This article explores the challenges that Australia faces in reconciling its commitments to nonproliferation and uranium exports during a time when the international nuclear nonproliferation regime is under major stress and the world uranium market is bullish. The “grand bargain” that has framed Australian participation in the nonproliferation regime and the nuclear fuel market since the 1970s was only tenable in an era of stagnant uranium demand and a stable nuclear balance. However, contemporary nuclear proliferation dynamics and the revival of interest in nuclear energy have accentuated the incompatibility between Australia's commitment to nonproliferation and the desire to profit from uranium exports. The contemporary international strategic environment, international nonproliferation regime, and nuclear energy market are characterized by developments that not only undermine the basis of Australia's grand bargain, but also present challenges and opportunities for the refashioning of Australian policy.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank Michael Wesley and Andrew O'Neil for comments on an earlier draft of this article and two anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments.

Notes

1. John Howard, “Review of Uranium Mining Processing and Nuclear Energy in Australia,” Media Release, June 6, 2006.

2. UMPNER Taskforce, Uranium Mining, Processing and Nuclear Energy—Opportunities for Australia?, Report to the Prime Minister, December 2006, p. 28. Nonetheless it should be noted in this respect that the report stressed the high cost of enrichment while being marginally more enthusiastic regarding the prospects for an Australian conversion industry. I thank one of the anonymous referees for highlighting this point.

3. Jacques E.C. Hymans, “Isotopes and Identity: Australia and the Nuclear Weapons Option, 1949–1999,” Nonproliferation Review 7 (Spring 2000), pp. 12–14.

4. For the Fraser government's response to the Ranger Uranium Environmental Inquiry, see: Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, House of Representatives, 2nd Session, 13th Parliament, 2nd Period, August 16–November 8, 1977, pp. 645–660.

5. See Wayne Reynolds, Australia's Bid for the Atomic Bomb (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2000); Alice Cawte, Atomic Australia (Kensington: UNSW Press, 1992).

6. Thomas L. Neff and Henry D. Jacoby, “Nonproliferation Strategy in a Changing Nuclear Fuel Market,” Foreign Affairs 57 (Summer 1979), p. 1125.

7. For former Prime Minister Bob Hawke's view, see Bob Hawke, The Hawke Memoirs (Melbourne: William Heineman, 1994), pp. 217–220.

8. Richard Leaver, “‘Middle Power Niche Diplomacy’ and Nuclear Proliferation: The Failure in Success,” in Richard Leaver and Dave Cox (eds.), Middling, Meddling and Muddling: Issues in Australian Foreign Policy (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1997), pp. 193–200.

9. For an example of this logic, see: Gareth Evans, “Non-Proliferation and the NPT,” address to the NPT Review and Extension Conference, New York, April 18, 1995.

10. Marianne Hanson and Carl Ungerer, “The Canberra Commission: Paths Followed, Paths Ahead,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 53 (April 1999), p. 7; Gareth Evans, “Achieving a World Without Nuclear Weapons,” address to the Opening Session of the Canberra Commission on the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons, Canberra, January 23, 1996; and Leaver, “‘Middle Power Niche Diplomacy,’” pp. 195–196.

11. Alexander Downer, “The United Nations for the 21st Century,” address to the fifty-first General Assembly of the United Nations, New York, September 30, 1996.

12. Alexander Downer, “Australia and the United States: A Vital Friendship,” speech to the Australian Centre for American Studies, Sydney, May 29, 1996; Andrew O'Neil, “Shifting Policy in a Nuclear World: Australia's Non-Proliferation Strategy Since 9/11,” in Carl Ungerer (ed.), Australian Foreign Policy in an Age of Terror (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2008), pp. 80–81.

13. Hanson and Ungerer, “The Canberra Commission,” p. 10.

14. For the expression of such rhetoric, see: Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, In the National Interest: Australia's Foreign and Trade Policy White Paper (Commonwealth of Australia, 1997); Alexander Downer, “Charting Australia's Regional Future: The White Paper on Foreign and Trade Policy,” speech to the Foreign Correspondents’ Association, Sydney, August 29, 1997; and Russell Trood, “Perspectives on Australian Foreign Policy, 1997,” Australian Journal of International Affairs, 52 (July 1998), pp. 189–190.

15. See, for example, Alexander Downer, “Address by the Hon Alexander Downer, MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to the Conference on Disarmament,” Geneva, January 30, 1997; Alexander Downer, “Two Swords for the Beating,” address to the Conference on Disarmament, Geneva, February 3, 1998; and Alexander Downer, “The NPT—Future Challenges and Outlook for the 2000 Review Conference,” keynote speech to the Conference on Nuclear Arms Control: Australian and Regional Perspectives Towards 2000, University of Queensland, October 29, 1999.

16. See Downer, “Two Swords for the Beating,” and Gary Smith, “Perspectives on Australian Foreign Policy 1998,” Australian Journal of International Affairs, 53 (1999), p. 204.

17. John Carlson, “Safeguards and Non-Proliferation: Current Challenges and the Implications for Australia,” paper presented to the 2005 Conference of the Australian Nuclear Association, Sydney, November 10, 2005, pp. 7–8.

18. For example see, Downer, “Address by the Hon Alexander Downer, MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to the Conference on Disarmament”; Downer, “Two Swords for the Beating”; Downer, “The NPT—Future Challenges and Outlook for the 2000 Review Conference”; and Alexander Downer, “Address by the Hon Alexander Downer, MP, Minister for Foreign Affairs, at the NPT Review Conference,” New York, April 25, 2000.

19. Alexander Downer, “Speech by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, NPT Review Conference,” New York, April 25, 2000.

20. Andrew O'Neil, “Nuclear Proliferation and Global Security: Laying the Groundwork for a New Policy Agenda,” Comparative Strategy 24 (2005), pp. 343–359.

21. John Deutch, Arnold Canter, Ernest Moniz, and Daniel Poneman, “Making the World Safe for Nuclear Energy,” Survival 46 (Winter 2004/05), p. 66; The Future of Nuclear Power: An Interdisciplinary MIT Study (Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003), <web.mit.edu/nuclearpower/>.

22. See Thomas Schelling, Arms and Influence (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1966); Lawrence Freedman, The Evolution of Nuclear Strategy (London: MacMillan, 1989); and Lawrence Freedman, Deterrence (Malden, MA: Polity Press, 2004).

23. Joseph S. Nye, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 1990).

24. Jacques E.C. Hymans, “Isotopes and Identity,” pp. 1–23.

25. For example, see: Gareth Evans, “Achieving a World Without Nuclear Weapons.”

26. Paul Bracken, “The Structure of the Second Nuclear Age,” Orbis 47 (Summer 2003), p. 400.

27. James A. Russell and James J. Wirtz, “United States Nuclear Strategy in the Twenty-First Century,” Contemporary Security Policy 25 (April 2004), pp. 91–108.

28. William Perry, Annual Report to the President and the Congress (Washington, DC, February 1995); Hans M. Kristensen and Joshua Handler, “The USA and Counter-Proliferation: A New and Dubious Role for US Nuclear Weapons,” Security Dialogue 27 (1996), p. 389.

29. George Lewis, Lisbeth Gronlund, and David Wright, “National Missile Defense: An Indefensible System,” Foreign Policy No. 117 (Winter 1999/2000), pp. 121–122.

30. Michael O'Hanlon, “Star Wars Strikes Back,” Foreign Affairs 78 (1999), p. 78; William Walker, “International Nuclear Relations after the Indian and Pakistani Nuclear Tests,” International Affairs 74 (1998), pp. 508–509.

31. Bernd W. Kubbig, “America: Escaping the Legacy of the ABM Treaty,” Contemporary Security Policy 26 (2005), p. 415.

32. Walker, “International Nuclear Relations after the Indian and Pakistani Nuclear Tests,” p. 409.

33. Bracken, “The Structure of the Second Nuclear Age,” p. 412.

34. See for example, White House, “Remarks by the President to Students at National Defense University,” Fort Lesley J. McNair, Washington, DC, May 1, 2001.

35. Kubbig, “America: Escaping the Legacy of the ABM Treaty,” p. 424.

36. Alexander Downer, “The Threat of Proliferation: Global Resolve and Australian Action,” speech to the Lowy Institute, Sydney, February 23, 2004.

37. Andrew Newman and Brad Williams, “The Proliferation Security Initiative: The Asia-Pacific Context,” Nonproliferation Review 12 (Summer 2005), p. 311; William T. Tow, “Sino-American Relations and the ‘Australian Factor’: Inflated Expectations or Discriminate Engagement?” Australian Journal of International Affairs 59 (2005), pp. 460–461.

38. Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, China's Non-Proliferation Policy and Measures (Beijing: New Star Press, 2003), pp. 1–3. For China's most recent official statement on these issues see, Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, China's Endeavors for Arms Control, Disarmament and Non-Proliferation, March 2005.

39. Wendy Frieman, China, Arms Control, and Nonproliferation (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004); Alastair Ian Johnston, “Learning Versus Adaptation: Explaining Changing Chinese Arms Control Policy in the 1980s and 1990s,” China Journal 35 (January 1996), pp. 29–30; and Mohan Malik, “Nuclear Proliferation in Asia: The China Factor,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 53 (1999), pp. 31–41.

40. Jonathan Monten and Mark Provost, “Theater Missile Defense and Japanese Nuclear Weapons,” Asian Security 1 (2005), p. 294; William T. Tow, “Sino-American Relations and the ‘Australian Factor,’” p. 461.

41. See Downer, “The Threat of Proliferation: Global Resolve and Australian Action.”

42. Andrew O'Neil, “Nuclear Proliferation and Global Security,” p. 349, 353.

43. See for example, Robert A. Keohane and Lisa L. Martin, “The Promise of Institutional Theory,” International Security 20 (Summer 1995), pp. 39–51; James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, “The Institutional Dynamics of International Political Orders,” International Organization 52 (Fall 1998), pp. 943–969.

44. George Perkovich, “Bush's Nuclear Revolution: A Regime Change in Nonproliferation,” Foreign Affairs 82 (2003), p. 2.

45. Since 1968, only five states have “gone nuclear”—Israel, India, Pakistan, South Africa, and North Korea—while four others (Argentina, Brazil, South Korea, and Taiwan) ceased their suspected nuclear programs, and three former Soviet republics (Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan) relinquished inherited nuclear weapons to sign the NPT as NNWS.

46. Leaver, “‘Middle Power Niche Diplomacy,’” pp. 193–200; Hawke, The Hawke Memoirs, pp. 217–220; Evans, “Non-Proliferation and the NPT.”

47. For the Keating government's initial response, see, “Resumption of French Nuclear Testing: Statement by Prime Minister,” June 13, 1995, in “Communication of 17 August 1995 Received from the Permanent Mission of Australia,” International Atomic Energy Agency, August 30, 1995, p. 2. For accounts of the public outcry, see, Robert Milliken, “Bomb Test Protesters Besiege French Embassy,” Independent, June 19, 1995; Kim Richard Nossal and Carolynn Vivian, A Brief Madness: Australia and the Resumption of French Nuclear Testing (Canberra: Canberra Papers on Strategy and Defense No. 121, Australian National University, 1997).

48. For a thorough discussion of the A.Q. Khan network, see Chaim Braun and Christopher Chyba, “Proliferation Rings: New Challenges to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime,” International Security 29 (Fall 2004), pp. 5–49.

49. See William C. Potter, “India and the New Look of U.S. Nonproliferation Policy,” Nonproliferation Review, 12 (July 2005), p. 343; Jofi Joseph, “The Exercise of National Sovereignty: The Bush Administration's Approach to Combating Weapons of Mass Destruction Proliferation,” Nonproliferation Review 12 (July 2005), pp. 379–380.

50. Potter, “India and the New Look of U.S. Nonproliferation Policy,” pp. 343–346; Ashton B. Carter, “America's New Strategic Partner?” Foreign Affairs 85 (2006), p. 37; Manohar Thyagaraj and Raju G.C. Thomas, “The U.S.-Indian Nuclear Agreement: Balancing Energy Needs and Nonproliferation Goals,” Orbis 50 (Spring 2006), pp. 363–367.

51. Perkovich, “Bush's Nuclear Revolution,” p. 6; Carter, “America's New Strategic Partner?” p. 37.

52. On alternative approaches, see Michael Wesley, “Its Time to Scrap the NPT,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 59 (September 2005), pp. 284–287; O'Neil, “Nuclear Proliferation and Global Security,” pp. 351–359. On Australia's commitment to existing regime, see, for example, Downer, “The Threat of Proliferation: Global Resolve and Australian Action.”

53. See UMPNER Taskforce, Uranium Mining, Processing and Nuclear Energy—Opportunities for Australia?, pp. 51–62.

54. Deutch et al., “Making the World Safe for Nuclear Energy,” p. 66; The Future of Nuclear Power: An Interdisciplinary MIT Study.

55. Fabien A. Roques, William J. Nuttall, David M. Newbery, Richard de Neufville, and Stephen Connors, “Nuclear Power: A Hedge against Uncertain Gas and Carbon Prices?” Energy Journal 27 (October 2006), p. 2.

56. UMPNER Taskforce, Uranium Mining, Processing and Nuclear Energy—Opportunities for Australia?, pp. 101–108.

57. See Michael Clarke, “‘In the National Interest’: Australia's Proliferation Strategy in a Changing International Environment,” Regional Outlook No. 9, Griffith Asia Institute, pp. 1–30.

58. For example see, Alexander Downer, “The Impact of Energy Security on Australia's International Relations,” speech to the Australian Institute of International Affairs, October 11, 2006, <www.foreignminister.gov.au/speeches/2006/061011_es.html>.

59. Andrew Davies, “Australian Uranium Exports and Security: Preventing Proliferation,” ASPI Strategic Insights 28 (August 2006), p. 2.

60. For a thorough account of this, see Ian Holland, “Waste Not Want Not? Australia and the Politics of High-Level Nuclear Waste,” Australian Journal of Political Science 37 (July 2002), pp. 283–301.

61. Ian Holland, “Waste Not Want Not?”, pp. 287-288.

62. See The Future of Nuclear Power: An Interdisciplinary MIT Study, p. 2; Karine Fiore, “Nuclear Energy and Sustainability: Understanding ITER,” Energy Policy 34 (2006), pp. 3334–3341; Jacques Percebois, “The Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy: Technologies of the Front and Back-Ends of the Fuel Cycle,” Energy Policy 31 (2003), pp. 101–108.

63. Deutch et al., “Making the World Safe for Nuclear Energy,” p. 66.

64. Kate O'Neill, “Radioactive ‘Trade’: Globalizing the Nuclear Fuel Cycle,” SAIS Review 22 (Winter-Spring 2002), pp. 157–168.

65. See White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Joint Statement Between President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,” July 18, 2005.

66. See White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Joint Statement Between President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,” July 18, 2005.

67. International Energy Agency, World Energy Outlook (Paris: OECD, 2006), p. 377.

68. International Energy Agency, World Energy Outlook (Paris: OECD, 2006), p. 377. Author's emphasis.

69. Davies, “Australian Uranium Exports and Security,” p. 16.

70. UMPNER Taskforce, Uranium Mining, Processing and Nuclear Energy—Opportunities for Australia?, p. 28.

71. UMPNER Taskforce, Uranium Mining, Processing and Nuclear Energy—Opportunities for Australia?, p. 91.

72. Davies, “Australian Uranium Exports and Security.” p. 15.

73. Davies, “Australian Uranium Exports and Security,” pp. 16–20.

74. Alexander Downer, “Speech and Question and Answer Session, Energy Environment and Air Quality Policy Forum,” Los Angeles, January 13, 2007.

75. “Green Light for Uranium Sales to India,” Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) News Online, August 15, 2007, <www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2007/08/15/2005218.htm>.

76. Kevin Rudd, “Leading, Not Following: Australia's Place in the Emerging International Order,” speech to the Global Foundation, Melbourne Town Hall, Melbourne, March 8, 2007.

77. See for example, Chris Evans, “Labor and Uranium—An Evolution,” speech by Chris Evans to the Labor Business Roundtable, Perth, March 23, 2007; Kevin Rudd, television interview, ABC 7:30 Report, April 30, 2007, <www.alp.org.au/media/0407/tviloo301.php>.

78. See for example, Chris Evans, “Labor and Uranium—An Evolution,” speech by Chris Evans to the Labor Business Roundtable, Perth, March 23, 2007; Kevin Rudd, television interview, ABC 7:30 Report, April 30, 2007, <www.alp.org.au/media/0407/tviloo301.php>.

79. Chris Evans, “Australian Uranium—A Labor Perspective,” speech by Chris Evans to the Australian Uranium Conference, Esplanade Hotel, Fremantle, July 25, 2007.

80. Chris Evans, “Australian Uranium—A Labor Perspective,” speech by Chris Evans to the Australian Uranium Conference, Esplanade Hotel, Fremantle, July 25, 2007.

81. Chris Evans, “Australian Uranium—A Labor Perspective,” speech by Chris Evans to the Australian Uranium Conference, Esplanade Hotel, Fremantle, July 25, 2007.

82. Robert McClelland, “Sale of Uranium to India Will Undermine Non Proliferation,” Australian Labor Party, media statement, August 14, 2007.

83. See, “Labor Pledges to Overturn India Uranium Deal,” ABC News Online, August 17, 2007, <www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2007/08/17/2007382.htm>; “Green Light for Uranium Sales to India,” ABC News Online.

84. “Labor Pledges to Overturn India Uranium Deal,” ABC News Online.

85. Mark Dodd, “No Uranium Sales until India Signs NPT,” Australian, January 16, 2008.

86. Robert McClelland, “A New Agenda for Australia in Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament,” address to UN Association of Australia and Medical Association for the Prevention of War, Canberra, August 14, 2007. Author's emphasis.

87. See McClelland, “A New Agenda for Australia in Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament”; “Sale of Uranium to India Will Undermine Non Proliferation,” ABC News Online.

88. “Reaching Out Over the Pacific,” Economist, March 16, 2007, <www.economist.com/agenda/displaystory.cfm?story_id=8871566>.

89. See “Reaching Out Over the Pacific,” Economist; Jonathan Marcus, “Japan Seeks Wider Defence Network,” BBC News Online, August 21, 2007; William T. Tow, “The Japan-Australia Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation and Asia-Pacific Security Geometries,” Austral Policy Forum 07-16A, September 6, 2007. The declaration came soon after Cheney's visits to both Tokyo and Canberra.

90. Simon Robinson, “A Gunboat Message to China,” Time, September 5, 2007; Rajat Pandit, “Australia Still Has China on Mind,” Times of India, August 21, 2007.

91. See Antoaneta Bezlova, “War Games Muddy APEC Summit,” Inter Press Service, September 7, 2007.

92. Tow, “The Japan-Australia Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation and Asia-Pacific Security Geometries.”

93. Robert Ayson, “Kevin Rudd and Asia's Security,” PacNet Newsletter, No. 49, November 28, 2007.

94. Rory Medcalf, “Time to Lift Our Game and Engage India,” The Age, January 17, 2008, p. 15.

95. Ayson, “Kevin Rudd and Asia's Security.”

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