Sociological and Policy Examination of Poverty-Led Crime in Indonesia: Case Study of (Child) Prostitution

ABSTRACT

This paper engages in the profound dynamics of poverty-led crime in Indonesia, emphasizing its socioeconomically constructed nature and the potential for deliberate deconstruction through targeted interventions. As Indonesia rapidly evolves as an emerging economy, the paper highlights the critical role Jakarta plays in shaping the future trajectory of its vast human resources. It underpins the urgency for comprehensive policies that prioritize improved education, social welfare, and economic opportunities, particularly for the underprivileged youth. The paper argues that inclusive policies, even within predominantly elite-focused resource allocations, are paramount for fostering equity in the labor market. With a focus on the pervasive issue of prostitution, the paper elucidates how socioeconomic factors contribute to the phenomenon and evaluates existing anti-prostitution policies. By uncovering gaps in the current approach, the article advocates for pro-poor and pro-development strategies to mitigate crime. Recognizing Indonesia’s potential for urbanization and economic growth, the paper contends that disciplined citizenship, achievable through incentivizing conventional paths for the younger and underprivileged population, is crucial for the nation’s prosperity. The proposed policy recommendations aim to guide local policymakers in formulating effective measures that not only address crime but also contribute to the overall development of Indonesia.

KEYWORDS:

• Crime
• inequality
• poverty
• prostitution
• public policy
• socioeconomic disadvantage

Introduction

Poverty stands out as one of the most pressing socioeconomic challenges facing contemporary Indonesia (Jamealiah & Elyta, 2022). According to a report from the Indonesian Central Bureau of Statistics, the number of Indonesians living in poverty had reached approximately 28.59 million by September 2012, constituting 11.66% of the national population. Of this total, 18.09 million resided in rural areas, with the remaining 10.51 million dwelling in urban settings (Riswandra et al., 2017). Beyond the classifications of absolute and relative poverty, poverty in Indonesia can be further understood as either cultural or structural. Cultural poverty denotes the experience of poverty influenced by cultural or customary factors that impede individuals from escaping socioeconomic constraints (Muhtar & Rusli, 2021). In contrast, structural poverty results from individuals’ powerlessness within an unfair social order or system, leaving them with minimal bargaining power to break free from the trap of poverty (Muhtar & Rusli, 2021). Structural poverty occurs when individuals lack access to the factors of production leading to poverty, while cultural poverty pertains to communities unable to effectively utilize production factors (Rahayu & Wahyuni, 2020).

For those living in poverty in Indonesia, meeting basic needs such as food, housing, or clothing remains a significant challenge (Pane, 2015; Rohmawti et al., 2022). These underprivileged individuals lack the means to escape deprivation. Some may live above the objectively defined absolute minimum and find it challenging to demonstrate their lack of certain basic commodities commonly owned by the general population, while others may still subjectively believe they are in poverty. Subjective poverty is an additional dimension, where individuals perceive their income levels as falling below what they consider “just adequate” consumption levels (Dartanto & Otsubo, 2013). Here, the absolute minimum refers to the minimum standard of living necessary to satisfy basic needs, encompassing both food and non-food essentials, commonly referred to as the poverty line (Muhtar & Rusli, 2021).

Despite the progress of urbanization and modernization, Indonesia’s struggle with poverty persists. In the more developed regions of Java and Bali alone, over two-thirds of the urban poor populations reside. Jakarta, recognizing the issue, has actively improved the delivery of social protection packages to its urban residents (Burger et al., 2012). This paper delves into the entitlements and deficiencies in welfare and benefits for Indonesian citizens, offering relevant policy recommendations to address the multifaceted challenges of poverty, including its urban dimension.

Amidst the backdrop of urbanization and rural development in Indonesia, achieving a more prosperous and organized economy and society is not guaranteed. The progression of prosperity and social organization is significantly tied to the institutions within local communities (Rustiadi & Nasution, 2017). However, this section elucidates the presence of significant institutional barriers to community organization and development in Indonesia, a factor often linked to higher crime rates in disorganized communities, as posited by the social disorganization theory.

To pave the way for a sustainable and organized future, this paper underpins the critical importance of providing essential infrastructure to support local economic and everyday activities. Fundamental services like education, health packages, and social protection programs must be made accessible (Swaningrum, 2016). Inclusivity of disadvantaged cohorts reduces their likelihood of being in conflicting positions and lowers their risk of engaging in criminal activities, aligning with the principles of the social conflict theory.

Efforts to address poverty extend beyond creating more liveable and equitable conditions for Indonesian residents; they also contribute to a reduction in crime rates and diminish the propensity for criminal activities. Literature suggests that population inequality and insufficient economic resources are key contributors to the rise in crime rates (Elzati et al., 2020). Moreover, economic and social conflicts, coupled with inadequate law enforcement, fuel criminal behaviors (Armin & Idris, 2019). Jakarta, to effectively tackle poverty-led crime, must confront the challenges of poverty and population inequality by distributing economic resources more equitably among its citizens. This argument will be elaborated upon in detail throughout this paper. By diminishing levels of deprivation, marginalization, and discrimination, residents not only show reduced interest in breaking the laws but also face higher costs associated with criminal activities (Sugiharti et al., 2023).

This paper engages in a comprehensive scholarly discourse on the socioeconomic construction of crime in Indonesia. It particularly focuses on examining the issue of prostitution within the country to illustrate how the socioeconomic construction of crime functions. Subsequently, the paper discusses the development of anti-prostitution policies and identifies gaps in Indonesia’s current approach. Furthermore, the paper provides policy recommendations for local policymakers, urging them to consider pro-poor and pro-development policies conducive to crime alleviation.

Theories

Social control theory

The social control theory elucidates that individuals are more inclined toward criminal tendencies in the absence of restraining influences that deter them from breaking the law. According to this theory, individuals are dissuaded from engaging in criminal behavior by their strong connection to society (Agnew, 1991). Negative treatment from conventional figures, such as parents and supervisors, diminishes the social control exerted over criminal tendencies. Instances of continual parental absence or violence, for instance, emerge as significant catalysts for individuals to transgress the law (Bao et al., 2014). Those subjected to adverse parenting experience a lack of parental guidance, encountering obstacles in discerning appropriate activities. Moreover, they are deprived of emotional and psychological fulfillment derived from positive parenting, leading them to view lawbreaking as an alternative means to seek social entertainment and acceptance.

To fortify social control levels, fostering positive parent-child communication and relationships assumes paramount importance. Prevailing literature contends that individuals with healthier relationships with their parents are less prone to illicit drug consumption (Foo et al., 2012). Peer influence also plays a pivotal role in socialization. Individuals are susceptible to the behaviors of their peers within their social circles. Positive behaviors exhibited by peers tend to influence individuals toward pro-social actions, while negative behaviors may push individuals toward adopting anti-social traits (Foo et al., 2012). The subsequent section explores how neighborhoods characterized by lower levels of social control tend to be more socially disorganized, often correlating with higher crime rates (Pare & Felson, 2014).

Social disorganisation theory

The social disorganization theory underpins the challenges faced by communities in achieving common goals and addressing persistent issues such as poverty. According to the theory, factors like poverty, ethnic diversity, residential instability, and a lack of social networks compromise neighborhoods’ ability to regulate public behavior, thereby fostering criminal activities (Kubrin & Weitzer, 2003). Building social ties among individuals and encouraging social control are identified as mechanisms to strengthen community bonds and mitigate crime rates. Social ties and informal control can act as mediators against external sources of social disorganization, with residents collectively preventing or sanctioning deviant behavior through informal surveillance in public spaces, representing a form of social control to reduce crime rates (Kubrin & Weitzer, 2003). The discourse on applying informal social control becomes integral in intervening and restraining criminal commitment, as per the social disorganization theory (Warner, 2003). The extent of informal social control reflects the cohesion, integration, and trust within communities, with more connected and trusted communities experiencing lower crime rates due to collective monitoring of public spaces for socially appropriate behavior (Bellair, 2017).

In addition to informal social control, which includes interpersonal agreements and neighborhood observation, formal social control, such as organizational participation, plays a role in collective surveillance to deter crime within communities (Sampson & Groves, 1989). Encouraging the formation of both formal and informal ties enhances the collective ability to address chronic societal problems (Sampson & Groves, 1989). Individuals in well-connected neighborhoods often establish informal interpersonal agreements to supervise social activities, observing and questioning any unusual activities that may disrupt the social order, ultimately preventing criminal victimization. Furthermore, the institutional socialization of children toward adopting conventional values contributes to preventing criminal tendencies (Bellair, 2017). Social (dis)organization is closely linked to the systematic development and application of community social control (Sampson & Groves, 1989).

In highly organized communities, residents collaborate with law enforcement to identify and address community issues, establishing a “street code” that shapes collective values and behaviors. Community policing serves as a crucial social control method, encouraging residents to adhere to a shared code of conduct and reducing crime rates (Kubrin & Weitzer, 2003). This paper explores the inadequacies in law enforcement efforts in Indonesia and recommends local policies to strengthen law enforcement operations in order to curb crime rates.

Social conflict theory

In spite of the implementation of both formal and informal social control measures, instances of crime persist within neighborhoods. The occurrence of these crimes, in many instances, can be attributed to the imbalanced power dynamics that push disadvantaged groups to the brink of breaking the law. This paper introduces the social conflict theory to argue that conflicts and crimes arise in communities where power is hotly contested.

The social conflict theory, originating as early as 1907 within sociology (Jia et al., 2011), delineates society into two opposing quasi-groups within the social structure due to the unequal distribution of authority and power. These groups are characterized as the ruling class and the ruled. The quasi-group organization is considered an interest group in constant conflict, seeking the redistribution of authority and power within the social organization, resulting in continuous societal tension. This social structure often leads to significant disparities in livelihood means, prompting the ruled to form a collective actor challenging the ruling class (Jia et al., 2011).

According to the social control theory, the ruling class, consisting of the affluent and powerful, holds the authority to define what is deemed right or wrong. The powerful and wealthy individuals shape laws and exert control over law enforcement (Bystrova & Gottschalk, 2015). The inherent conflict between these two opposing camps plays a crucial role in shaping societal conditions and life within the community (Musielak, 2016). Those who transgress the laws, unless exceptionally powerful or backed by excellent defense attorneys, are likely to face legal sanctions (Bystrova & Gottschalk, 2015). Law enforcement is a necessary presence to curb criminal activities and stabilize social order, particularly in the context of ongoing conflicts between the ruling class and the ruled. However, existing laws often favor the rights and interests of the ruling class over those of the ruled, providing an advantage to the former (Bystrova & Gottschalk, 2015).

In societies where resources, including education, jobs, and housing, are scarce, conflicts and competition persist between the rulers and the ruled. Power is frequently concentrated in the hands of a select few wealthy and influential individuals – the rulers. The criminal justice apparatus upholds a class-based social and economic order that prioritizes the interests of the rulers at the expense of the ruled. Laws, as dictated by the rulers, tend to penalize the ruled (Bystrova & Gottschalk, 2015; Oberschall, 1978).

The paper elucidates how social conflicts often lead to legal consequences for the ruled, specifically the disadvantaged, discriminated, and stigmatized cohorts in SEA. It highlights the unequal power dynamics, discrimination, and gender inequalities that frequently jeopardize the interests of marginalized individuals, rendering them socially, economically, and institutionally marginalized.

General strain Theory

It is, moreover, noteworthy that individuals ensnared in the cycles of poverty, exclusion, and discrimination, systematically and institutionally, face heightened levels of strain. This strain can manifest as either anticipated or actual. This section explores the general strain theory, dissecting how the persistent experience of strain propels individuals toward delinquent or criminal actions. The theory posits that encounters with sources of frustration lead to illicit behaviors (Bao et al., 2014). Those enduring underemployment, social marginalization, educational exclusion, and interpersonal distance are predisposed to engage in illegal activities as a means of expressing their encounters with frustration and strain (Bao et al., 2014).

Individuals transgressing the laws believe that their illicit acts can serve as a release valve for tension, providing a temporary escape from the stresses of life (Foo et al., 2012). Deprived communities often harbor a higher proportion of individuals strained by financial, social, and occupational hardships. Continuously confronted by outrageous and frustrating circumstances, these individuals are more likely to resort to criminal activities as a means of releasing or expressing their elevated stress levels (Hoffmann, 2002).

Indonesia’s brief organised crime Profile

According to the Global Organised Crime Index, Indonesia currently holds the 25th position globally out of 193 countries and ranks 3rd out of 11 Southeast Asia (SEA) nations in terms of organized crime rates. Additionally, Indonesia stands at the 118th position worldwide and 6th in the SEA region concerning its resilience against organized crime. The primary organized crime concern in Indonesia is identified as sex trafficking, predominantly victimizing women and children. Notably, Indonesia lacks specialized anti-organized crime units dedicated to handling domestic cases or related corruption. The weaknesses within its judiciary, institutional structures, and law enforcement systems contribute to a high incidence of organized criminal activities in the country (Global Organised Crime Index, 2023).

In 2003, Jakarta initiated the National Plan of Action (NPA) on human rights, followed by the second five-year phase in 2008, focusing on more urbanized provinces, including Jakarta, West Java, and Lampung. The NPA aimed to implement interventions and policies safeguarding child rights and combating child trafficking and sexual exploitation. However, despite the existence of the NPA, the lack of practical action, limited legislation, and enforcement has allowed child prostitution to persist and expand (“Indonesia’s Child Prostitution…,” 2022).

In contemporary Indonesia and SEA, the (child) prostitution trade is increasingly digitized. Examples from Bali and Jakarta reveal the emergence of a phenomenon known as “tinder tourism,” wherein domestic (child) sex workers leverage online dating applications to connect with commercial sex clients (Tinder Tourists: Indonesia…, 2019). The lack of online regulation and surveillance enables domestic sex workers, including minors, to easily access a substantial network of international tourists willing to pay for commercial sex services. Besides the convenience, Indonesian (child) prostitutes perceive online dating applications as a safer avenue for practicing prostitution compared to conventional establishments, as they can review potential clients’ profiles and communicate in advance to ensure their safety during paid encounters.

While Jakarta actively pursues the eradication of the localized prostitution industry, evident in the closure of 122 out of 136 commercial sex-providing establishments in red-light districts between 2014 and 2018, digitalized commercial sex remains a formidable challenge. The lack of e-regulation and law enforcement strategies to address domestic prostitutes offering online paid services hinders effective intervention (“Indonesia Targeting Zero…,” 2018).

Socioeconomic construction of Crime

Having provided a brief overview of organized crime in Indonesia, this section examines the socioeconomic construction of poverty-led crime. The paper illustrates how individuals subjected to systematic discrimination, marginalization, stigmatization, and deprivation are predisposed to engage in criminal behavior.

A distinctive feature of urban poverty in Indonesia is the extensive prevalence of slum areas. As defined by the United Nations Habitat, slum residents are those residing in cities facing one or more basic shelter deprivations, such as inadequate access to improved sanitation, insufficient access to improved water supply, residing in units made of non-durable materials, and experiencing overcrowding. In 2010, a significant 23.0% of Indonesian urban residents were living in slums (Burger et al., 2012). This alarming figure underpins the entrenched issues of urban poverty and residential insecurity in Indonesia. The challenges faced by slum residents extend beyond inadequate living conditions to include a lack of access to public goods and services due to the unplanned nature of their residency. Essential amenities like electricity, drainage, and water are deficient, reflecting underdeveloped infrastructure. Public sanitation is neglected, further contributing to the stress and marginalization of slum residents. In the absence of effective government regulation and law enforcement, local mafias control the provision of unregulated services in slums. Residents in slums, lacking proper mechanisms for seeking redress, are often compelled to pay bribes (e.g., 20–30 USD for government-issued identification cards that should be free) to access welfare and benefits (Burger et al., 2012).

The paper highlights how institutional barriers to proper regulation compound the deprived, unregulated, and poorly-facilitated residential conditions in urban slums. In line with the social disorganization theory, slum areas lack both formal and informal social controls that encourage residents to engage in public surveillance (Armin & Idris, 2019). These areas, often ignored by law enforcement and government units, become vulnerable to control by local mafias, resulting in an increase in crime rates. According to the social conflict theory, the ruling government units set the stage for informal corruption practices, requiring slum residents to bribe their way to access welfare and benefits. The ruled, or slum residents, find themselves financially and residentially marginalized, lacking the bargaining power to negotiate with the ruling entities. Consequently, they are consistently placed in a conflicting, helpless, and deprived position, increasing their susceptibility to engaging in criminal activities.

The impact of poverty and poverty-led crime is significant for Indonesia on both macro and micro levels. From a macro perspective, poverty leads to societal dysfunction and disorder, while from a micro perspective, individuals in poverty suffer severe physical and mental anguish (Pane, 2015). Due to a lack of education, food, and health resources, those living in poverty struggle to meet nutritional needs, resulting in a decline in health and well-being. Financially disadvantaged individuals, often undereducated, have fewer opportunities to acquire nutritional knowledge, exacerbating their health and well-being challenges (Pane, 2015). Drawing from the general strain theory, individuals under constant financial strain experience heightened emotional distress and frustration, leading to an increased likelihood of expressing criminal tendencies. Furthermore, residing in communities with higher crime rates exposes these disadvantaged individuals to additional psychosocial stress due to the instability and unsafety of their neighborhoods.

Promoting economic growth may not inherently offer a comprehensive solution to Indonesia’s struggle with poverty-led crime. Economic growth often tends to favor the ruling class more than the disadvantaged, perpetuating financial strain and limitations among the latter. A more effective approach for Indonesia would be to prioritize addressing income inequality, proven to be a solution to reducing poverty-led crime rates (Sugiharti et al., 2023). The three intertwined situations identified by Sugiharti et al. (2023) emphasize the chronic nature of poverty, the difficulty in implementing relevant policies in a large impoverished population, and the lack of comprehensive data on poverty severity, all contributing to the prevalence of crime. Firstly, the chronic nature of poverty, characterized by ongoing destitution, creates structural challenges that continually financially suppress and exclude the impoverished. In line with social conflict and general strain theories, this financial suppression leads to frustration, distress, and even anger among the poor, making them more likely to resort to criminal activities as a means of expressing discontent and survival.

Secondly, a higher proportion of the population living in poverty makes it challenging for Jakarta to impose effective local policies to mitigate socioeconomic problems. The frustration of financially disadvantaged and marginalized cohorts may manifest in criminal behaviors, making society more disorganized and deregulated. This, in turn, complicates the responsiveness of Jakarta and local policymakers to crime control.

Thirdly, the severity of poverty is not adequately reflected in standard metrics like the total number of poor individuals or headcount ratios. The absence of comprehensive data on poverty severity hampers Jakarta and local policymakers from implementing pro-poor policies effectively. The lack of relevant data often results in ineffective and inefficient policymaking to address poverty-led crime.

Income inequality fuels social jealousy, as lower-income groups envy their wealthier counterparts and harbor frustration about their financial conditions. According to the social conflict theory, this jealousy intensifies social conflicts between lower and higher-income residents, driving the former to commit crimes (Armin & Idris, 2019; Sugiharti et al., 2023). Beyond income inequality, unemployment serves as another catalyst for poverty and poverty- led crime. Unemployment leaves individuals without access to essential resources, pushing them toward the underground economy, such as engaging in commercial sex work. The subsequent section explores prostitution in detail.

In Indonesia, around 300 million people suffer from the challenges of unemployment and poverty (Cahayani, 2019). To address these issues, Indonesia must create more job opportunities in both urban and rural areas. While the labor-intensive program launched in October 2015 aimed to provide lower-skilled job opportunities, it is crucial to address discrimination and gender inequality to allow all capable individuals, regardless of gender or sociodemographic traits, to contribute to local economies. Even with job vacancies, those occupationally discriminated against may struggle to secure employment, leading to a reliance on alternative, often criminal, means of financial support (Abdila et al., 2022; Armin & Idris, 2019). Therefore, addressing discrimination and providing equal employment opportunities is imperative to reduce the likelihood of crime among the poorer, unemployed, discriminated, and excluded cohorts.

The availability of employment opportunities is intrinsically linked to a country’s economic growth (Cahayani, 2019). As we transition from the aftermath of the coronavirus pandemic to economic recovery in 2023, Indonesia stands poised for more stable economic growth. Leveraging this opportunity, Indonesia should focus on comprehensive infrastructure development to create a spectrum of job vacancies, ranging from labor-intensive roles to higher-skilled positions. Conventional employment correlates with a decreased likelihood of criminal activities, as employed individuals demonstrate a greater adherence to societal norms. Recognizing that underprivileged cohorts often face undereducation, Indonesia must facilitate both labor-intensive jobs for those seeking lower-skilled positions and higher-skilled opportunities for university graduates (Armin & Idris, 2019). By providing employment across various skill levels, the risk of criminal tendencies within different subpopulations is minimized.

In 2016, the Central Statistics Agency reported that 631,270 university graduates in Indonesia were unemployed. Contrary to expectations, these graduates, compared to their undereducated counterparts, were less likely to engage in criminal behavior. Armin and Idris (2019) posit that university graduates possess superior rational thinking abilities, making them more conscious of the legal consequences of criminal acts. This highlights the role and value of education, or human investment, as an essential policy intervention to reduce overall crime rates. The subsequent discussion delves into the scholarly discourse on the enrichment of human investment and its role in curtailing crime rates in Indonesia.

Individuals facing marginalization, discrimination, unemployment, and underachievement are often pressured to contribute to household income, exacerbating financial strain. This constant economic pressure, coupled with societal expectations, can lead to increased risk-taking behaviors, expressions of distress, or the pursuit of illegal incomes, as posited by the general strain theory (Missbach & Palmer, 2022). Those unable to meet financial demands at home display a higher tendency to engage in criminal activities.

Education acts as a deterrent against criminal behavior (Armin & Idris, 2019; Sugiharti et al., 2023), elevating the social and occupational values of individuals. Higher education levels correlate with better prospects in the labor market, reduced unemployment, and increased optimism about future job opportunities. This higher-educated cohort experiences lower degrees of discrimination, displaying little to no interest in pursuing illegal means of income.

However, educational redistribution is imperative in Indonesia, as educational resources are currently skewed toward privileged cohorts. Addressing this disparity is essential to reduce long-term income inequality and unemployment gaps, fostering a more inclusive society (Burger et al., 2012). While nurturing local elites is crucial for societal development, equitable life chances for non-local elites are equally vital to prevent societal burdens such as criminality. More educated Indonesian adolescents and youths are less likely to engage in underage marriage, which is associated with higher divorce and crime rates. Underage marriage often leads to poverty, unemployment, and school dropouts, perpetuating a cycle of social issues (Rahayu & Wahyuni, 2020). These challenges are exacerbated by entrenched gender inequality, leading to domestic abuse and victimization of married teenage girls who are financially dependent and lack occupational mobility.

This section dissects how poverty, unemployment, and undereducation contribute significantly to poverty-related crimes. It emphasizes the necessity of redistributing job and education opportunities to alleviate ingrained income inequality. By doing so, Jakarta can accelerate socioeconomic and infrastructural development, creating more job opportunities for both skilled and unskilled labor. This approach encourages adolescents and youths to stay in school, reducing the likelihood of violating societal norms and engaging in criminal activities. The paper stresses the need for Jakarta to prioritize these interventions to shape a more stable and prosperous future for Indonesian society.

(Child) Prostitution

The examination of prostitution as a poverty-led crime in Indonesia goes beyond its regional prevalence and delves into the profound impact of religious conflicts, notably the prohibition of extramarital and premarital sex under Islamic Law (Manullang, 2020). As the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, Indonesia, having recently criminalized extramarital sex, presents a unique perspective on prostitution as a poverty-driven societal issue.

Within Indonesia, involvement in sexual transactions by pimps, commercial sex workers, and paid users is deemed illegal, carrying penalties under the Criminal Code Clause 296 (Johar et al., 2018). Despite the criminalization, many commercial sex workers find themselves indebted to pimps, who exploit their vulnerable financial situations. Pimps, wielding considerable bargaining power, often subject sex workers to exploitation (Manullang, 2020). The legal consequences for involvement in sexual transactions include imprisonment of up to a year and four months, coupled with a fine of Rp 15,000 (approximately US$ 0.98) (Johar et al., 2018). However, financial hardships, inadequate education, and family pressures continue to drive some women and girls into the sex industry. Faced with limited employment opportunities due to their low education levels, these individuals are socially influenced, and in some cases pressured by family members, to enter prostitution as a means of financial support, creating a cycle of societal coercion (Johar et al., 2018).

Contemporary prostitution in Indonesia extends beyond traditional settings like red-light districts, with sex workers increasingly using the Internet, social media, and dating applications to seek clients. Notably, South Jakarta endures the entrenched issue of child prostitution, violating both child and human rights (Riswandra et al., 2017). Jakarta’s response to these challenges has been insufficient, lacking in effective policymaking and providing inadequate conventional job opportunities for the vulnerable adults and children of commercial sex victims. Addressing this issue necessitates an emphasis on creating more job opportunities through accelerated national development and accessible vocational training programs, offering alternative avenues for vulnerable individuals to support their households (Riswandra et al., 2017).

Girls’ ignorance becomes a significant factor in their entry into prostitution, with brokers enticing them through promises of high salaries. The weak law enforcement in underregulated, underdeveloped, and rural Indonesia exacerbates the problem, necessitating tighter efforts from Jakarta to criminalize those involved in (child) sex trafficking (Sutinah & Kinuthia, 2019). Educational campaigns against prostitution and sex trafficking should be nationally implemented to reduce the ignorance of underage or young girls. Such campaigns, conducted through public events, schools, and mass media, contribute to positive socialization, guiding young girls toward conventional employment routes.

Human trafficking further compounds the issue, with victims coerced into contracts by pimps who exploit their vulnerability, leading to physical and psychological consequences. Strengthening law enforcement in underregulated regions, along with national anti-prostitution and anti-sex trafficking campaigns, emerges as a crucial step for Jakarta. These measures not only criminalize the perpetrators but also work toward educating and empowering vulnerable individuals to resist falling prey to exploitative practices.

Septarini (2014) highlights a disheartening reality wherein Indonesian commercial sex workers advocating condom use experience a significant financial penalty, earning 70% less than their peers who are less consistent in enforcing this crucial preventive measure. Despite the desire to safeguard their health against sexually transmitted diseases, cultural norms push many local sex workers to forego condom use during intercourse, compounding the risk of diseases such as HIV/AIDS. Drawing inspiration from the Thai model, where authorities distribute condoms to prostitutes despite the criminalization of prostitution since 1960, Indonesia could consider similar measures to prioritize the well-being of sex workers.

Prostitution operates within the framework of supply and demand. For the existence of sexual transactions, both the supply of and demand for commercial sex services are imperative. While Indonesian lawmakers have targeted commercial sex providers, legal sanctions against clients paying for such services remain infrequent (Riswandra et al., 2017). Recognizing the innate human tendency toward regular paid or unpaid sex, lawmakers should tighten regulations and sanctions against both providers and clients. By disincentivising both the demand for and supply of prostitution, Jakarta can exert better control over the illegal sex industry in Indonesia. Indonesia faces two major challenges in the realm of prostitution. Firstly, due to its criminalization, commercial sex activities are driven underground, leading to a lack of official data on the precise number and distribution of sex workers across the country. This informational deficit hampers Jakarta’s ability to formulate targeted local policies to address the deep-seated societal issue of prostitution (Riswandra et al., 2017).

Secondly, despite Jakarta’s efforts to build capacity and encourage sex workers to transition to legal industries, these workers lack the necessary skills for alternative occupations, and job opportunities may not be suitable for female workers (Riswandra et al., 2017). To tackle these challenges, Indonesia must provide comprehensive vocational and on-the-job training opportunities for underprivileged women and girls, empowering them to pursue conventional job opportunities. In creating legal job opportunities, policymakers should ensure a fair distribution of vacancies in service industries, aligning with positions better suited for female employees, while also considering physically demanding work tailored for their male counterparts. This multifaceted approach can contribute to a more equitable and inclusive transition for sex workers into legal and conventional industries.

Jakarta must forge close collaborations with local research institutions and multinational corporations, such as the International Labour Organisation, to conduct comprehensive data collection aiming to estimate the size and distribution of the prostitute population in Indonesia. Ideally, sociodemographic data of the prostitute samples should be collected. This robust data collection effort enables researchers to perform quantitative analyses, predicting which regions in Indonesia are most affected by prostitution and identifying the profiles of women and girls more susceptible to entering the sex industry. Armed with empirical evidence, Jakarta can more effectively formulate impactful policies to address the societal challenges posed by prostitution.

Insufficient regulation contributing to a substantial sex industry in Indonesia includes the permissibility for brothel owners or pimps to advertise in newspapers, enticing young women and girls to enter the sex industry (Riswandra et al., 2017). These advertisements often promise high salaries without any educational or experiential requirements, reinforcing the issues of undereducated, underage girls’ vulnerability. Indonesia’s weak advertising regulations, coupled with lax law enforcement and surveillance, provide ample opportunities for brothel owners and pimps to exploit this situation through media outlets. Strengthened law enforcement and surveillance efforts are imperative to disallow and criminalize the advertising of prostitution- related content in newspapers.

In an era of rapid digitalization, many young female sex workers exploit the lack of domestic e-regulation to find commercial sex clients online. Citing case file No. 112/Pid.Sus/2019/PN, Vanessa Angel and her friend utilized online platforms, particularly WhatsApp, to connect with potential clients for commercial sex (Manullang, 2020). Given the premature online regulation and surveillance in Indonesia, Jakarta faces practical challenges in monitoring all online activities. However, it can, at the very least, promote the importance of community policing. Per the social disorganization theory, fostering a culture of community policing encourages residents to monitor each other’s behavior, question immoral or illegal activities, and report such incidents to local law enforcement authorities.

Long-term efforts should address cultural deviance in Indonesia, especially in less developed and more underregulated regions where prostitution is socially accepted, and laws against it are not enforced (Dasman et al., 2018; Willis & Levy, 2002). The nation is divided into three camps regarding the sex industry: those advocating eradication, regulation, and acceptance (Suud, 2015). To achieve sustainable development, the paper suggests tightening regulations against prostitution, along with promoting negative images of (child) prostitution. This approach can better shield women and girls from sexual exploitation, abuse, psychosocial harm, and the contraction of sexually transmitted diseases. This section delineates the origins and operations of (child) prostitution in Indonesia, along with the loopholes sexual exploiters exploit. To address the regulation of (child) prostitution and poverty-led crime more broadly, the next section provides policy recommendations for tackling the issues of poverty and crime.

Policy development and gaps on (child) Prostitution

This section illuminates the key policy developments, gaps, and loopholes that Indonesia has encountered in responding to the prevalent issue of (child) prostitution domestically. The aim of this discussion is to assess Jakarta’s achievements and shortcomings in combating the problem and to provide insights into potential amendments for future policies, should Jakarta decide to decisively strengthen its zero-tolerance stance against prostitution.

The first legal effort to regulate and criminalize all forms of prostitution in Indonesia dates back to the enactment of the Indonesian Criminal Code in 1915. Since then, prostitution has been officially considered illegal and not tolerated within the country (Ardiansyah & Handoko, 2018). In the 1950s, Jakarta responded to the persistent issue of commercial sex activities, despite criminalization, by launching a national campaign to crackdown on the domestic sex industry. This campaign focused on educating citizens about the individual and societal costs and harms associated with engaging in prostitution activities (McGregor & Hearman, 2007). Rehabilitation services for former prostitutes were also introduced as part of the campaign. However, the deep-seated occupational stigma against prostitutes hindered the effectiveness of rehabilitation efforts, as former sex workers were reluctant to acknowledge their involvement in the practice. Jakarta also conducted police raids to shut down brothels and apprehend both sex workers and pimps.

In 1972, Jakarta altered its anti-prostitution strategies by legalizing prostitution but criminalizing pimps and brothel owners (Riswanda, 2015). This approach reflected the recognition that prostitutes were often victims of sex trafficking, making it more justifiable to target those who exploited them. However, these interventions did not yield positive societal outcomes and were consequently discontinued in the early 1980s.

During the 1990s, Jakarta reaffirmed its zero-tolerance stance against prostitution by establishing the National Task Force against Prostitution, a collaborative initiative between the government and representatives from relevant non-governmental and religious organizations (UNICEF, 2010). This task force implemented large-scale police raids on brothels, the arrest of prostitutes, and rehabilitation services for former commercial sex workers. In a further effort to strengthen its zero-tolerance approach, Jakarta enacted the Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act in 2006, criminalizing all forms of human trafficking, including sex trafficking (The Nippon Foundation, 2009). Sex traffickers faced more severe penalties, and victims of sex trafficking were entitled to essential humanitarian aid.

In 2011, Jakarta established the NPA for the Elimination of Violence against Women (Bah, 2022). Government officials aimed to enhance public awareness of the adverse impacts of prostitution while providing education and vocational training opportunities to vulnerable populations, including women and children. Indonesia’s proactive legislative and regulatory efforts against the practice and involvement in prostitution have contributed to reducing its prevalence rate. However, eradicating prostitution remains an ongoing challenge. This paper investigates existing policy gaps and loopholes that account for the persistent existence of prostitution nationwide.

A significant policy gap in anti-prostitution regulation is Indonesia’s inadequate law enforcement. Prostitution is disproportionately prevalent in regions with high poverty rates, yet these impoverished areas lack the capacity or resources to effectively combat the issue. For instance, in the southern Indonesian city of Batam, poverty-related challenges have driven many women and children to enter the sex industry, despite Batam being designated as a Special Economic Zone (Lindquist, 2010). The city has struggled to secure sufficient resources to address both poverty and prostitution.

Another crucial policy gap is Jakarta’s failure to provide avenues for sex workers to exit the industry while simultaneously imposing sanctions on those working in prostitution. As discussed, economic and occupational insecurity drives many into the industry (Haryanto et al., 2018). Instead of focusing solely on criminalization, Jakarta should offer the necessary resources and support for sex workers to transition to legal, conventional, and socially acceptable forms of employment. Singapore provides a successful model with job training and social services for women looking to leave the sex industry.

Additionally, Jakarta’s lack of regulation concerning the operations of entertainment establishments, such as bars and nightclubs, is viewed as a major loophole for the prevalence of commercial sex activities (Haryanto et al., 2018). These establishments often serve as fronts for prostitution and venues for sexual exploitation, particularly against underage girls victimized by sex trafficking. More frequent police raids should be conducted in both licensed and unlicensed establishments to apprehend, fine, or sanction managers offering commercial sex services.

While Indonesia has made strides in tightening legislative, law enforcement, and social efforts to regulate commercial sex activities, significant policy gaps persist. Urgent responses are required from Jakarta to further alleviate localized prostitution. Moreover, providing necessary opportunities and support for prostitutes to transition to alternative industries is essential to ensure occupational security beyond the sex industry. Through these measures, Indonesia can effectively reduce the rates of poverty-led prostitution.

Recommended policymaking to combat poverty-led crimes in Indonesia

Poverty-led crime in Indonesia is influenced by a complex interplay of factors, including education, income levels, inequality, access to goods and services, geographical locations, and health. To break the cycle of poverty, Jakarta must empower local citizens, particularly women, with the skills and opportunities to participate in the traditional labor market, ensuring they can earn sufficient financial resources to support their households. Local policymakers should not only encourage Indonesian teenagers and youths to stay in school but also facilitate the return of premature dropouts. Local governments can play a crucial role by subsidizing the direct and indirect costs associated with schooling for adolescents facing financial hardships. Even for those who opt to leave school, access to pragmatic skills necessary for survival in the labor market is essential. Vocational education institutions should collaborate closely with local governments to identify localized labor market needs, offering relevant courses or programs designed for teenagers or youths seeking entry into the workforce. Policymakers must also collaborate with registered employers, providing financial incentives for on-the-job training opportunities. Skilled employees are more competitive in the labor market and less likely to engage in deviant or criminal behavior. Current literature highlights insufficient human investment in Indonesia, especially in poorer, rural areas where school-aged children and adolescents lack opportunities for quality education (Putranto & Irawan, 2021). Subsidizing quality education in underdeveloped regions is a recommended policy to ensure a sustainable supply of valuable, productive human assets.

Promoting social engagement, particularly through informal social control, is equally crucial. Community leaders and local policymakers should organize regular activities for villagers to attend, strengthening social bonds and fostering a higher degree of social cohesion. This facilitates community policing, where residents mutually monitor each other’s behavior for the benefit of their villages. Stronger social bonds imply increased collective social trust, serving as a deterrent against crimes that go against the interests of local communities (Rustiadi & Nasution, 2017). In summary, investments in both human and social capital are needed to discourage individuals living in poverty from resorting to poverty-led crimes.

Public investment is a crucial element in preventing the proliferation of poverty-led crime (Wau, 2022). Increased public investment by both Jakarta and local governments will lead to improved infrastructure, creating more temporary and permanent job opportunities. Enhancements in agricultural infrastructure will also raise farmers’ productivity, enabling them to earn higher incomes. Particularly in the post-pandemic era when population mobility resumes fully, Indonesia should prioritize public investment in both urban and rural areas, fostering the growth of skilled and unskilled labor opportunities. Increased financial incentives to remain in the traditional labor market will deter individuals from turning to poverty-led crimes, risking incarceration.

Unlike financial assistance, human, social, and public investment offers long-term solutions (Putranto & Irawan, 2021). Jakarta should focus on sustainable, rather than temporary, solutions to address poverty-led crimes and improve Indonesia’s long-term development. Another sustainable approach to building a more prosperous future is to invest further in social protection schemes. While Indonesian citizens currently receive welfare and benefits subsidizing health and education costs, existing literature suggests that the quality of health and education welfare remains insufficient under local governments’ social protection packages (Suryahadi et al., 2010). This underpins the need for a comprehensive social protection scheme. As Indonesia experiences ongoing public development and economic growth, increased national financial resources should be allocated to expand the coverage of social protection packages. The emphasis should be on enabling disadvantaged groups to access more substantial welfare and benefits. Therefore, even if some underprivileged individuals experience temporary unemployment, they won’t face immediate financial stress, reducing the temptation to commit poverty-led crimes.

With comprehensive support, more opportunities can be provided for individuals engaged in prostitution to reintegrate into their families and society while pursuing legal professions. Addressing the cultural hegemony of men over women in Indonesia, although challenging, is necessary to reinforce participation in conventional labor market activities (Suud, 2015). Marginalized, discriminated, and deprived cohorts are more prone to engaging in poverty-led crimes. By redistributing educational, social, and occupational resources fairly among all citizens, regardless of gender, more financially insecure women and girls are included in society to a greater extent. Such inclusion acts as a deterrent, dissuading them from entering the sex industry or engaging in any deviant behavior.

Lastly, law enforcement should be more than just rhetoric. Merely criminalizing poverty-led crimes without effective regulation renders legislation and criminalization meaningless. Jakarta should closely monitor local government authorities and penalize those receiving bribes to permit the existence of poverty-led crime. Additionally, more attention should be directed toward ensuring regular law enforcement operations in both developed and developing regions. Only through intensified law enforcement efforts can legislation and criminalization achieve their intended purposes.

Conclusions

Poverty-led crime is, to a large extent, a socioeconomically constructed problem, suggesting that it can be deconstructed through intentional efforts. Despite being a developing country with many areas still underdeveloped, Indonesia is rapidly advancing as an emerging economy. As the fourth most populous country globally, Indonesia possesses abundant human resources. However, without the implementation of improved educational, social, and economic policies by Jakarta, many of these resources might become redundant or even contribute to societal burdens. It is essential for Jakarta to prioritize comprehensive policies that provide quality life opportunities for the younger generations. Even when resources are primarily allocated to privileged urban elites, a portion should be reserved for their underprivileged counterparts. This policy direction is crucial for the inclusion and favorability of underprivileged Indonesian cohorts in the labor market. Upskilling individuals from underprivileged backgrounds can result in more satisfying employment terms, outweighing the benefits of engaging in illegal activities.

Despite the existing substantial agricultural resources, Indonesia still holds significant potential for urbanization, modernization, and economic growth in the coming decades. To distinguish itself as a leader in the regional emerging market, Indonesia must systematically and strategically incentivize younger generations and underprivileged cohorts to pursue conventional paths, becoming disciplined citizens, students, or employees who adhere to social and religious norms. While affluent individuals may find it easier to adhere to discipline, their less affluent counterparts can also become valuable citizens, provided they are given ample opportunities to succeed. This approach not only benefits individuals but contributes to the overall development and prosperity of the nation.

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Funding

J.H. does not receive any funding in support of his development of this perspective.