ABSTRACT
Using data from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (Walters et al., Citation2013), this study theoretically tests reasons for non-monosexual women’s (N = 492) disparate rates of post-intimate partner violence health care needs: a lifecourse, an intersectional perspective, and a minority stress. Applying standardized sample weights and adjusting standard errors for both clustering and stratification to complete a series of chi-square tests and binomial logistic regression models, this study finds that none of these theoretical perspectives significantly explains bisexual and non-monosexual women’s health care seeking needs or access barriers. However, two new key findings emerge: 1) an overwhelming majority of women who need post-victimization medical services receive them, regardless of sexual behavior or sexual orientation (despite previous research that indicates LGBT people face unique barriers to care); and 2) injury severity is the main source of non-monosexual women reporting their need for post-victimization medical care (perhaps making it impossible to not go to the doctor).
Note
Another aggregate inequality parameter, in which each variable only had a maximum score of “1” (thus the highest score a person could get is a “5,” and not a “16”) was also created. This variable had the same impact in direction and significance as the original for each sexual identity group and all forms of violence. As such, the more nuanced aggregate variable was used in this paper.
Notes
1 In this analysis, the term “non-monosexual” indicates women who have reported romantic, dating, intimate or sexual relationships with both men and women, but who have not chosen the identity label of bisexual. Sexual orientation/identity and sexual behavior are two separate and distinct measures, and one does not always correspond to the other. There are many reasons why someone might choose a particular identity label, such as heterosexual/straight, while still engaging in intimate, romantic, or sexual relationships with men, women, or non-binary individuals; some have posited that stigma keeps many from choosing a “sexual minority” label.
2 From here foreword acronyms that most accurately reflect the research studies cited will be used. Not all studies include transgender people or other identities – such as queer, intersex, or asexual – while other researchers specifically study who they call “sexual minority” individuals.