Untangling the religious features of the Johnson Cult of New Hanover Island in the New Ireland province: anthropology and indigenous societies since Charles Darwin and others

Abstract

The aim of this paper is to trace the religious aspects of the Johnson Cult as they were conceived and have undergone change and diffusion since 1963. In highlighting the religious aspects of the Johnson Cult, it is intended to make reference to several issues. First, this paper compliments the political, economic, and social aspects of the movement which were covered by Billings (Cargo Cult as Theater: Political Performance in the Pacific. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2002) and others. The religious aspects of the Johnson Cult, some of which the adherents held back from disclosing to Billings for a number of reasons, were not captured in the study. This study highlights how in the religious aspects of the Johnson Cult are contained a continued search for sustainable and modern technological development for an indigenous Lavongai society, a Lavongai dream of a transformation of New Hanover into a Garden of Eden paradise as portrayed by Christianity. Second, as can be seen from the study by Billings, it is shown that anthropology can benefit from taking on a new approach in the study of indigenous societies, with more collaboration between outsider scientists and indigenous society insider scientists.

Keywords:

• religious features
• Johnson Cult
• New Hanover Island
• New Ireland province
• Papua New Guinea

Introduction

This paper intends to highlight the spiritual and or religious features of the Johnson Cult that have been obscured and tucked away from outsiders and which have become a confused mess of notions of the Johnson Cult of New Hanover Island and its economic offshoot, the Tutukuvul I-sukal Association.^{1 2} Since the vote for President Johnson and America in 1964 and in light of the spiritual and/or religious notions that were conjured up in this vote, it has become increasingly necessary to isolate those religious features of the Johnson Cult in order to produce a sane profile of its history for the long-term benefit of the New Hanover people and their home island. Furthermore, I would like to work in collaboration with other scholars to produce a complete picture, including both the external and internal perspectives of this subject, or object, of study. This paper is about the work of an outside anthropologist and an insider producing a study of the human activities of the Lavongai people with a view to producing a sane and complete view of what is referred to as the Johnson Cult of New Hanover Island.

Defining the religious features of the Johnson Cult

The Johnson Cult of New Hanover in brief

The political, social, and economic features of the Johnson Cult have been extensively reported by Billings (2002). Other anthropologists (Christiansen, 1969; Lindstrom, 1993; Steinbauer, 1979; Strelen, 1977) have also written, less extensively, about the Johnson Cult. Journalists have also reported activities of the Johnson Cult. New Hanoverians or Lavongais (Lonngar, Kaiku, Miskaram, Isana) too have provided coverage and written discussion papers on the Johnson Cult. Despite such coverage, however, the spiritual or religious features that were present in 1963, and which have since mutated through the years into a state of complicated interwoven twisted notions, have remained only within the inner circles of the adherents, in and around New Hanover Island.³

The religious features include the following spiritual notions: an underworld afterworld of deceased ancestors; equating indigenous religious beliefs with Christianity; the role of leaders, prophets, and heroes; and the search for salvation and millenarianism.

The Johnson Cult has been embraced by Lavongais, mostly from the southern, eastern, and northern sides of the island, and certain notions⁴ have been relayed and transmitted at and to points beginning in 1963: however, from that year to the present, additional notions have been conjured up and have been built onto what has since become a belief system that has been used and maintained by adherents.

As documented by Billings (2002), the Johnson Cult began with the presence of two US army surveyors who had been stationed at Mt. Pativung, inland from the villages of Meterankang, Valpua, Magam, and Pati-tav on the south side of New Hanover, to conduct a cartographic or geographic survey of the area. A Lavongai by the name of Oliver was their camp roustabout and of course there were assistants from the aforesaid villages. Then in 1964, during the first ever national election to elect representatives to the First House of Assembly of the then Australian-administered Territory of Papua and New Guinea, the people saw an opportunity to express their desire for a change of administration and colonial power, from Australia to America. Instead of completing the prescribed voting form and dropping it into a ballot box, identified and selected leaders of the voters had pre-written on boards “We Vote for President Johnson of America”. It was a matter of the leader asking the people who they wanted to vote for and for the people to reply and affirm “President Johnson of America” as written.

The years 1964 through to 1966 were tumultuous and sad years⁵ for those communities which took part in the vote for President Lyndon B. Johnson of America. Droves of able-bodied men were jailed by the Kavieng District Administration officials when they unanimously refused to pay head tax to the Lavongai Local Government Council. Then in 1966, with the help of the Catholic priests of the Lavongai Catholic Mission, a local communal agriculture association, known as Tutukuvul I-sukal Association (TIA), was formed. As alluded to above, Billings (2002) documented other activities for the years 1967–90. This paper will now highlight the religious features of the Johnson Cult from 1967 to date.

America, an underworld afterlife world, land of deceased ancestors, millenarianism, the search for salvation, a return to a paradise setting

The Johnson Cult had, and still has, among its adherents the notion of an underworld, an afterlife world with underground tunnels, and a land of deceased ancestors. It was whispered among listeners that America was the underworld afterworld, where deceased ancestors of the Lavongais went at death, got reincarnated, and lived. To most of the adherents who had no formal education and a limited notion of the world beyond New Hanover Island or even of the neighboring New Ireland, America was a state of existence in the invisible realm. There was, and still is, an underground tunnel that begins at Luan (New Hanover's mystic area) and runs underneath a sea and has its entrance in America, wherever that was. This notion still holds sway. It is further believed that at some destined time in the unknown future, at a time that is not much longer but which could be in a little while,⁶ a pebble holding the key to a state of rapture will be unleashed and a new world will emerge resulting in the passing away of the present world. The faithful adherents of TIA will be taken away into this new world. The notion of rapture and a new world order is still around today and there is still talk of waiting in readiness to move to New Hanover.

The two US army surveyors who were at Pativung were said to be deceased sons of a couple from Metemana village. One on them, in fact, had a scar on his forehead very similar to the deceased son. The brass plaques, established by these US army surveyors and used for the mapping and survey carried out, are highly venerated. Did not Jacob build a pillar of stones to mark the site where he had wrestled with angels to remind him of such an experience? Even when Dorothy Billings came to New Hanover to study the movement, she too was associated with a couple from Ungat village on the south coast, being, they claimed, their reincarnated deceased daughter. After the vote for President Johnson at Metemana by the Metemana and Meteran people, there were reminiscences of how when the people had unanimously shouted “President Johnson of America” their voices were echoed back by deceased ancestors from the two cemeteries of the two nearby villages. Magazines depicting European female models were very much admired and the young New Hanover girls hoped to die in order to be transformed into the ladies depicted in the magazines.

Biscuits bought at the Metekavil⁷ trade store were also intriguing. It was said that the burnt biscuits were those that had been baked by the careless youthful bakers, whereas those clean un-burnt biscuits were those baked by the careful and experienced elderly bakers.

Equating indigenous knowledge belief systems with Christianity

The vote for President Johnson of America in 1964 is still held as an act and pronouncement of faith and trust. It is conceived of as “vava lima”, a sworn oath before God and man, a promise that New Hanover was under US rule. Since then, adherents have not taken part in any of the national general elections, nor in the local level government elections. During campaign periods, the President of the TIA goes around like other candidates and reinforces the fact that TIA voted in 1964 and the vote still stands. New Hanover Island is under US rule so there is no point in TIA participating in Papua New Guinea national and local government elections. However, adherents continue to live on the island with those who did not vote for President Johnson, and who do participate in national and local elections. Moreover, those who voted for Johnson access health and education services provided by the government of Papua New Guinea.

Faith is a Christian concept that is associated with the belief system of the Johnson Cult. This was first seen in the proclamation by the people when they voted for Johnson. It is held, for instance, that the vote was a divinely endorsed action. At Pativung there can be seen a house built of bush material in which there are miniature carved airplanes and other paraphernalia, waiting, along with remnant adherents, for America.

Leaders, prophets, and heroes

One leader was Oliver way back in 1963 with the two American army surveyors. It was Oliver who worked with and observed the surveyors and provided information about what he had observed and heard. Others lent assistance, as referred to by Billings, acting within the boundaries of their villages and homes.

God did not feature prominently in the vote for President Johnson of America. However, there was reference to him where and when the voters alluded to the act of the “vava lima”, the oath taken in the vote for American rule. The Johnson Cult has leaders, prophets, heroes, and soothsayers. Soon after the vote for Johnson in 1964 and throughout the years 1965 and 1966, it was rumored that American soldiers in heavy army uniforms with guns (ri Ami) had begun to patrol the jungles. Women were too frightened to venture into the bush on their own. This was only the beginning of more events to come. For instance, it was said that the army would come and occupy the villages and that anyone who was disobedient would be beheaded on the spot. Dreamers and soothsayers dreamt of seeing deceased ancestors. Children would wait until the dark of night to pretend to be deceased ancestors and approach groups of elders and whistle.⁸ A conversation regarding Americans would then ensue.

Kiukiuvat is a legendary and cultural hero in Lavongai mythology. This cultural hero, who was forgotten during the time of the Germans and Australians, even up to the time of political independence in 1975, was suddenly evoked and infused into the voters’ thinking as of the 1980s. During German colonization of German New Guinea, including New Ireland and New Hanover from 1884 to 1914, it is said that the Germans took Kiukiuvat back to Germany where he later became Hitler.

This illustrates another religious feature, one that relates to the notion of equating indigenous belief systems with that of Christianity. In particular, the notions of leaders, prophets, heroes, soothsayers, dreamers, and dreams, which provide communications with supposedly deceased ancestors, the Catholic Church, Jesus Christ, and millenarianism.

Millenarianism, the search for salvation, and a return to paradise

The religious features of the Johnson Cult of New Hanover Island have appeared mostly in relation to certain spiritual notions conjured up since contact with two US army surveyors in 1963. The religious features discussed here relate to the notion of America and the USA as the underworld afterworld, in the invisible spirit realm, inhabited by deceased Lavongais. In that realm, deceased Lavongais were reincarnated and assumed white skin.

The election of President Lyndon B. Johnson of America in 1964, according to the voters, was a binding oath and a promise to faithfully stand by their vote for America to rule over New Hanover Island, to train them and to impart much needed modern technological knowledge to the Lavongais so that they could better their standard of living in the modern context, while at the same time ensuring the maintenance of their indigenousness. The United Nations is seen as a body sought as an intermediary between the USA and New Hanover, to expedite the ushering in of the transformation to the new world: ultimately, a new New Hanover Island.

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges with thanks the help received from Dorothy Billings in carrying out this project.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 To date there are two complete publications on and about New Hanover Island, one being Billings' (2002) Cargo Cult as Theater: Political Performance in the Pacific and the other being Akus Ro, the New Testament translation of the Bible in the Tungak language of the Lavongais of New Hanover Island.

2 It was said, for instance, that the two US surveyors stationed at Pativung for the South-west Pacific Geographical Survey were deceased sons of families from villages from the south coast of Lavongai Island. When Billings was on New Hanover, it was said that she was the deceased daughter of a family from Ungat village on the south coast, New Hanover Island.

3 I happened to be interviewing my father, Walla Gukguk, who was President of TIA in 1981 while studying for a Bachelor of Arts degree at the University of Papua New Guinea. After explaining about the vote for President Johnson and America and TIA's wish to be governed by a country such as America instead of Australia, he made mention of how it was internal knowledge within the Association that America was the afterworld of deceased Lavongais. Then he made the following comment, “I am telling you this because you are my daughter, and because you need to know this and when things happen, you will understand.” Walla Gukguk was President of TIA from 1968 until his death on 24 November 2004.

4 Many whispers filtered through from the said surrounding villages during the time the US army surveyors were at Pativung. Whispers such as the US army surveyors eating off disposal plates, American naval ships anchoring off Meterankang waters in the cover of darkness, and helicopters flying around at Pativung, a ballad of which goes as follows: “Gulu gulung I elikopta, kapo limui e Pativung, Kita pen ia ta pen melek, nono na mung ina kappa, Mang sikei a balus ro luai, siri vap I USA” (The sound of a chopper, hovering over Pativung, it is painted red, at its front and back as well, such an incredible aircraft, that of the people of USA).

5 For instance, a ballad expresses such. During a tax collection trip at Metekavil village in 1965, and in the presence of women folk and children, the male voters were rounded up, given prison laplaps, and taken on board the Administration vessels MV Mercy and MV Threseamay. The words of the ballad of that event are as follows: “A lumlum ka taputuk e Metekavil, Nei rina kala taon tari aina. Ngerelo kala nang ro ta lip tapiok, Sian kokos kuli Mesi na Tarasamai” (Weeping has broken forth at Metekavil, Only women will now be in the village, The beach is brilliantly colorful with cassava leafed prison laplaps, For the boarding of MV Mercy and MV Threseamay).

6 During the Iraq war which began in 2003, the TIA President, then Mr Walla Gukguk (my father), and members kept a close interest in the war since America was involved. I remember being told that I was to be prepared to move from Port Moresby to our village as rapture would be anytime soon.

7 In the 1960s, the Metekavil Plantation was a thriving plantation with a thriving trade store which provided trade store goods for the villages in its vicinity. These villages included Meteselen, Ongomo, Patirodo, Metekavil, Metemana, and Meteran.

8 Whistling (kunip) is believed to be a form of language of deceased persons.