Alcohol and masculinity within community sports clubs in Aotearoa New Zealand

ABSTRACT

Traditionally, males have been more involved in community sports, and they also consume alcohol at higher rates compared to other genders in Aotearoa NZ. The present study drew on notions of gender and hegemonic masculinity to explore people's experiences of sports clubs, alcohol and masculinity. In-depth individual interviews were undertaken with 12 participants (10 males, 2 females, aged 23–56), who belonged to a range of sports clubs. Following transcription, the data were analysed thematically, and three key themes were identified: (1) pervasiveness: alcohol is everywhere; (2) masculine behaviours dominate; (3) feeling alienated. Findings reinforce how hegemonic masculinity and alcohol consumption remain pervasive within many community sports settings. This impacts on feelings of belonging and views on what constitutes appropriate behaviours. Those who do not belong to the dominant group, or conform to the status quo, are subordinated and formal hierarchies continue to favour dominant groups. Harmful behaviours linked with hegemonic masculinity were also exacerbated by alcohol consumption. Findings are considered in terms of how to change power dynamics and drinking practices perpetuated by hegemonic masculine norms to promote a more inclusive and safer space for all members of community sports clubs.

KEYWORDS:

• Alcohol
• masculinity
• community sports
• sports clubs
• drinking practices
• gender

Introduction

Alcohol consumption has short-term effects on health, harm, and injury and can have long-term effects on diseases and health conditions as well (Jennison 2004). According to the World Health Organization (WHO) (2022a), alcohol accounts for 3 million deaths every year (5.3% of all deaths) and is one of the major contributors to premature death. There is also a strong relationship between alcohol use and mental, behavioural (Cargiulo 2007) and non-communicable health disorders (Rehm et al. 2010), highlighting its widely detrimental impact. Alcohol impairs information processing and the ability to foresee negative outcomes (Field et al. 2008). Individuals who consume alcohol are also at increased risk of engaging in anti-social behaviours (e.g. drink driving, violence and aggression, risky sexual behaviours). Longitudinal data from Australia across six-time points showed that individuals who consumed alcohol were more likely to partake in risky or anti-social behaviours, a relationship that was particularly apparent in younger people (Mojica-Perez et al. 2019).

In Aotearoa New Zealand (NZ), alcohol consumption is prevalent and widely accepted (McEwan et al. 2010). According to Amohia te Waiora (2019), 79% of adults have consumed alcohol in the last year, with males being twice as likely as females to consume alcohol at what would be considered hazardous levels. Alcohol consumption for many New Zealanders starts in early adolescence (Campbell et al. 2019) and tends to persist throughout the life course (Towers et al. 2018), while binge drinking remains prevalent throughout adolescence and early adulthood (Huckle et al. 2020). Research shows that while drinking behaviours (including frequency and amount) have been converging between males and females over the past two decades, males continue to drink more alcohol and experience and cause more alcohol-related injuries and deaths compared to females (White 2020). Further, Egerton-Warburton et al.'s (2018) multi-centred prospective study in Australia and NZ found that young males were more likely to report to emergency departments due to alcohol-related harm than other demographic groups. The use of alcohol is culturally embedded, and is framed as an essential mechanism to maintain social connection (Hutton 2016). Within Aotearoa NZ there is an expectation of alcohol at social events and gatherings, and it is used as an acceptable means of social exchange (i.e. gift-giving).

Drinking practices and drinking cultures differ between genders but also across people of different ages, socio-economic backgrounds and ethnicities. Pākehā, or NZ Europeans, drink more regularly than other ethnic groups, while Māori and Pasifika people have been found to consume larger quantities within a drinking session (Muriwai et al. 2018). Further, alcohol consumption is higher within lower socioeconomic areas of Aotearoa NZ, highlighting the existence of social inequities that increase the risks associated with alcohol for some populations more than others (Robinson 2012). While many people within Aotearoa NZ drink alcohol regularly, drinking habits, drinking cultures and the meanings of drinking vary widely across groups (Lyons et al. 2014).

Alcohol and sports

Alcohol is as pervasive in sports settings as it is in other settings (Mays et al. 2010). This is despite the acceptance across many societies that engaging in sports is linked to positive health (Waddington et al. 1997). Participating in sport is linked to a decrease in chronic diseases (Booth et al. 2012), while physical inactivity is associated with an increase in non-communicable diseases (Thornton et al. 2016). Inactivity remains the fourth leading risk factor for mortality (World Health Organization 2022b). Furthermore, sports participation has often been positively associated with psychological and social health outcomes. For example, in Denmark children aged 10–12 years who were a member of a sports club, and had a moderate or high frequency of participation, were less likely to experience internalising problems and were more likely to express pro-social behaviours across a two-and-a-half-year period (Moeijes et al. 2018). These positive psychosocial outcomes are also apparent in adults and older adults. A recent systematic review found that participation in sport among older adults (50 years or older) is associated with improved social outcomes (life satisfaction, social networking) and psychological outcomes (self-worth, self-esteem and self-confidence) (Kim et al. 2020). Sport can have a positive psychosocial impact throughout the life course and can improve health and well-being outcomes for individuals regardless of life stage.

Participation in sport, whether at a professional or club level, has been integral to the identity of many New Zealanders across several generations; it has engendered a strong sense of nationalism and increased our recognition globally (Phillips 2013). Sport New Zealand (2017) reported that 86% of participants who took part in a survey agreed that high-performing sportspeople foster a sense of pride within our communities. Many New Zealanders also actively participate in sporting activities. For example, 74% of adults have been found to engage in a sporting activity in Aotearoa NZ in any given week, with young adults and those who identify as male participating most frequently (Haughey et al. 2015). Brocklesby (2018) found that 96% of 12–14-year-olds and 90% of 15–17-year-olds in Aotearoa NZ participate in sport. Participating in sport and consuming alcohol are both considered valued social activities within Aotearoa NZ, inducing social bonding and camaraderie (Gee et al. 2013).

However, research has identified strong links between sport and alcohol consumption. One UK study showed that drinking alcohol in non-professional sports teams increased a sense of belonging, self-reported happiness, and team cohesion in players, but also that alcohol (measured by the AUDIT) was often being consumed at hazardous levels (Zhou et al. 2013). Research with people who played provincial and club sport in Aotearoa NZ were more likely to consume alcohol at a hazardous level (again measured by the AUDIT) compared to elite athletes (O’Brien et al. 2007). Males were also reported to consume alcohol in a more hazardous manner compared to females (O’Brien et al. 2007).

There is also pervasive marketing and promotion of alcohol brands through sponsorship and advertising within ‘grassroots’ sports clubs, national and provincial teams, sporting events and tournaments throughout Aotearoa NZ (Alcohol Healthwatch 2022a, 2022b). A multitude of popular sports teams and events have been sponsored by alcohol brands (Gee et al. 2013). Chambers et al. (2017) examined five major sporting events broadcast in Aotearoa NZ during the summer of 2014–2015, and found that viewers were exposed to alcohol brands between 1.6 and 3.8 times per minute. The high rates of exposure may contribute to increased levels of alcohol consumption for both adults and children/adolescents, while also normalising the presence of alcohol within sport in Aotearoa NZ (Chambers et al. 2017). Research demonstrates a positive association between exposure to alcohol marketing within sports settings and alcohol consumption (Brown 2016).

The marketing and promotion of alcohol in sport contributes to a pervasive message that the consumption of alcohol within sport is normal. In Aotearoa NZ, the alcohol marketing spend was $61 million in 2018 (Alcohol Healthwatch 2021). In 2015, the estimated value of alcohol sponsorship in sport was $21.3 million (ActionPoint n.d.). This was split between direct cash contributions (65%) and non-direct contributions (35%), such as equipment, uniforms and carry bags (Chambers et al. 2021). Alcohol advertisement in sport poses a serious ethical dilemma for policymakers and sporting organisations. Although it generates revenue and funding for sports, alcohol also poses social and health risks, especially in youth and at-risk groups. In 2021, Green Party Member of Parliament Chlöe Swarbrick labelled alcohol the ‘most harmful legal drug in our community’ (Green Party 2021, n.p.) when she put forward a Bill aiming to ban alcohol advertisement and sponsorship in broadcast sport. Swarbrick's Bill sought to implement recommendations from the 2014 Ministerial Forum on alcohol advertising which considered whether further restrictions on the sale and supply of alcohol were needed (Sellman et al. 2019). This Bill had a particular focus on reducing the exposure youth had to alcohol marketing and sponsorship. However, the Bill failed at the first reading with 85 MPs opposing it, compared to only 29 who were in support (see RNZ 2023).

Masculinity, alcohol and sport

Masculinity is a social construction concerned with the behaviours, attitudes and ideas related to being a male. Hegemonic masculinity has become a prevalent global reference for studies on gender relations and masculinity (Messerschmidt 2019); this is a dominant and aspired-to masculinity within specific cultural and social environments that is built on heterosexuality and traditional masculine values such as being assertive, rational, strong and stoic (Connell 2005). Hegemonic masculinity is constructed in relation to femininities and subordinates other masculinities, traits and behaviours that do not align with culturally idealised forms of masculinity (Cheng 1999). It perpetuates the patriarchal dividend, that is, the unequal privileges that have been afforded to men but not women (Connell 2005). Playing sport and drinking alcohol are both traditional hegemonically masculine behaviours. Sportsmen are expected to be strong, aggressive and show no pain, while drinking alcohol with other males, drinking frequently and drinking large amounts of alcohol are all indicators of masculinity (Lemle and Mishkind 1989; Willott and Lyons 2012; Emslie et al. 2013).

Many of the traditional and popularised global sports reflect the masculine ideals associated with heterosexual men (Borell 2016), such as strength, physicality and stoicism (Hughson 2009). Ramaeker and Petrie (2019) found that being an athlete predicted conforming to masculine ideals, while sport was a realm in which men could compete for status and resources. Males freely compete in sports that contain physicality; however, females have been found to be more reserved in this context due to the dominance of masculinity and concern about a feminine image (Senne 2016). Research has found that images of sportswomen in Australasian media did not capture the realities of women's experiences in sport, and they were more likely to be sexualised (Sherry et al. 2016). This minimises female achievement in sport, subjects sportswomen to sexism within this space, and wrongfully insinuates that women in sport are competing for the ‘male gaze’. Hart’s (2016) ethnographic study within an Australian rules football club found that rigid social hierarchies uphold traditional masculine practices, influencing the behaviours of males within the club setting, especially relating to alcohol choice and behaviours.

When compared to their non-participating counterparts, males involved in sport are more likely to exhibit aggressive behaviours in both sports and non-sports contexts (Forbes et al. 2006). The display of aggression can shift to a competition in power when males perceive their masculinity to be under threat (Pellegrini and Bartini 2001), which is likely in sporting spaces where males face off in competition to identify who is superior at the sporting task. This can catalyse acts of violence, verbal abuse and physical altercations (Bozkurt et al. 2015), both on the field and off it. At times, the aggression that is synonymous with sports permeates into other settings as well and it is not uncommon for sports stars to be in trouble with the law for crimes involving violence (Forsdike et al. 2022).

Sport and alcohol have long stood hand-in-hand, and have both been an aspect of masculinity in Western societies. Jones et al. (2006) assert that regardless of whether you are a player or a fan, you will be exposed to the idea that alcohol and sport go together, an idea that continues to pervade sport at every level. There has been little research in Aotearoa NZ that has explored alcohol and its use within community sports clubs. The current study drew on ideas around the social construction of gender and hegemonic masculinity to explore people's views and experiences in different community sports clubs and meanings around alcohol, drinking and masculinity.

Methodology and methods

This study was underpinned by a constructivist paradigm, which views knowledge systems as constructed through social interaction, and appreciates the importance of cultural context (Palincsar 1998). From this perspective, how an individual understands and experiences the world is dependent on the interpersonal relationships that they have had, the historical and current contexts in which they live and the meanings and dominant understandings that are available (Uhl-Bien 2006). Gender is viewed as a construct that is performative, enacted in daily life, and functional, in line with theorising on hegemonic masculinity (Connell 2005; Messerschmidt 2019).

Design: This qualitative study involved individual semi-structured interviews with people who were members of a community sports club. A sports club member was defined as anyone who was regularly involved within the club space (e.g. players, supporters, employees, coaches, club managers and anyone else with an active role within the club). Community sports were defined in line with previous research (see Van der Veken et al. 2020) as organised within the local context and, although community sports may be competitive, they are not played at an elite level. The study received ethical approval from the university's Human Ethics Committee.

Recruitment: Eligibility for this study required participants to be a member of a community sports club and 16 years or over, and able to give their informed consent to participate. Sixty-one community sports clubs in the Greater Wellington Region were emailed and asked if they would be willing to pass information about the study on to club members aged 16 years or over. The clubs included cricket, netball, rugby, hockey, tennis, golf and football. Snowballing methods were also employed with participants sharing details of the study with others.

Participants: Twelve participants took part, aged from 23 to 56; 10 males and 2 females. All participants had an active role within a community sports club. Table 1 provides an overview of the participants’ demographic details and sport/club information.

Table 1. Participants’ demographic details and sport information.

Pseudonym	Age	Gender	Ethnicity	Role within sports club
Karan	31	Male	Indian	Player/previously administration
Suzie	54	Female	New Zealand/South African	Manager
Amelia	24	Female	NZ European	Supporter
Tim	42	Male	NZ European	Player/barman
Ross	56	Male	NZ European	Manager/player
Martin	23	Male	NZ European	Player
Trent	30	Male	NZ European	Player/captain
Brendon	50	Male	NZ European	Coach/officiator
Daniel	29	Male	South Korean	Player
Simon	54	Male	NZ European	Player
Sunil	36	Male	Indian	Player/Coach
Connor	53	Male	NZ European	Player

Interviews: Interviews lasted between 30 and 65 min. Six interviews were conducted in person and six were conducted via Zoom. A semi-structured interview schedule was employed which included broad topics around masculinity and alcohol consumption within the sports club. Additional questions were asked depending on the participants’ role within the sports club. After the interview, the participants were given a debrief sheet, containing information on where they could raise ethical concerns or access support if the interview invoked difficult feelings, and given a $20 supermarket voucher to thank them for their involvement. Interviews were recorded using an audio recorder, and the recording was uploaded to a password-protected computer and then transcribed verbatim. All identifying information (e.g. names or the name of their sports club) was changed during transcription. All names used are pseudonyms.

Analytic approach: Thematic analysis was employed to analyse the data (Braun and Clarke 2006, 2023). This research adopted a semantic/explicit approach to thematic analysis, with codes and themes being developed based on patterns identified in the participants’ talk. A semantic/explicit approach analyses the data at a ‘surface’ level and then interprets meaning informed by theoretical ideas. This approach captured people's experiences and views on alcohol, gender, masculinity and sports clubs, and developed themes using the theoretical ideas around gender and the meanings of sport and alcohol outlined in the introduction. Initially, transcripts were organised using a codebook approach, allowing a structured approach to coding that aided in the development of early, tentative themes. Coding was undertaken inductively in NVivo based on participants’ specific mentions of alcohol consumption, gender and masculinity; 150 descriptive codes were identified and organised into five overarching categories. These categories were used to generate initial themes which were analysed further and grouped into higher-order categories with subthemes. Final refinements led to the identification of three main themes.

Findings

Participants described community sport as having significant importance in their lives. Sports clubs provided participants with enjoyment, socialising with others, and improving one's sporting abilities. All participants discussed how they valued their involvement with their community sports club, although their experiences and meanings of community sports spaces were very different. Three main themes were identified during the analysis, as shown in Table 2. Each theme and its subthemes are discussed in more detail below.

Table 2. Overview of main themes and subthemes.

Main themes	Pervasiveness: alcohol is everywhere in the club	Masculine behaviours dominate the club space	Feeling alienated within the club
Subthemes	Source of revenue	Declining female numbers	Traditional gender roles
	Maintaining sociality and social expectations	Competitive masculinity	Choosing not to drink
		Anti-social behaviours

Pervasiveness: alcohol is everywhere in the club

Alcohol consumption takes place in multiple spaces and occurs regularly within the clubs. Participants discussed how alcohol was inextricably linked to community sports, with many describing their drinking practices as an extension of their involvement in sport. They discussed the importance of alcohol to ensure the club remained a social space. Participants’ experiences of alcohol and drinking differed depending on their age, gender and commitment to their sport. Two participants did not consume alcohol in this space and described their experiences in very different ways compared to those who did drink. Two sub-themes captured different aspects of how the pervasiveness of alcohol was rationalised within the club, as described below.

Source of revenue

Source of revenue was a key topic during the interviews. At the time this research was conducted, MP Chlöe Swarbrick was working towards implementing a Bill that aimed to remove alcohol advertisements in sport. This was met with mixed responses from the participants. For those who regularly consumed alcohol within this space, it was viewed negatively and was constructed as a hindrance for community sports clubs moving forward. There were concerns that it would discourage people from coming to the clubrooms which would, consequently, harm the club's income. For example, Connor shared his view on the impact of Chlöe Swarbrick's proposed bill on club sport:

Connor: Kill it. 100% kill them. You know, again, sponsorships, you know, a lot of the bars sponsor sports clubs, a huge amount of bars sponsor sports clubs as well. So, that's all that revenue. I mean, a lot of the clubs are holding on by a thread at the moment as it is. (53, male, player)

Connor constructs the current position of community sports clubs as precarious. By stating that clubs are ‘hanging on by a thread’, he highlights how they may not continue to function due to financial struggles and a lack of consistent revenue sources. The implication is that without alcohol sponsorship and advertisement, clubs would eventually cease to exist.

Karan also discussed the financial issues that could arise if alcohol advertisement was reduced in sports clubs, explaining that revenue is hard to come by because of the consistent removal of ‘vices’:

Karan: If you know, you start trying to ban alcohol (sponsorship), it's sort of like, where's the- without alternative revenue streams, what do you expect- because the costs are only going up, especially right now with inflation. So it's not like there's any- it's not like you're reducing the cost by reducing this, it's just reducing income sources. And it's kind of ironic, I always think of it as like, you know, when you got rid of tobacco, well, it was kind of okay, because you had the other vices where you could get sponsorship, there's almost like, we're kind of running out of vices to ban essentially. (31, male, player/previously administration)

Karan drew on the broader societal context when explaining factors contributing to the financial pressures of clubs, such as inflation – currently at a record high within Aotearoa NZ (Stats NZ 2022). He defined alcohol as a vice, similar to tobacco, the promotion of which was previously used as a source of revenue.

The sale of alcohol is constructed by club members as a major source of revenue. Club members are expected to put money through the bar before, during and after matches which, according to the participants, is essential for the club to remain financially afloat. This has become more important in recent times with clubs struggling to generate enough revenue to cover current costs. Many club members are apprehensive about alcohol consumption, advertisement and sponsorship potentially being reduced and raised concerns that restrictions on alcohol will negatively impact sports clubs’ financial situations.

Maintaining sociality and social expectations

Participants all indicated that clubs lean heavily on alcohol to initiate and maintain social occasions. Alcohol consumption was predominantly linked to events where club members come together as an entire group, such as at training, games and organised events. Many participants discussed how alcohol is at the core of these occasions and without it, the club would struggle to build a social environment. Although there are negative consequences associated with consuming copious amounts of alcohol, Daniel explained that drinking is necessary to maintain sociality and enjoyment within the club:

Daniel: I don't know if the (club activities) can happen without alcohol. It's way too ingrained in the nature of life, the playful action of the- like the banter. Like I don't know if you have the same sort of banter if you don't have the drinks there. (29, male, player)

Daniel draws on dominant understandings of alcohol as being a social lubricant. He constructs alcohol as facilitating sociality within the club space, linking it to enjoyment and play. Other participants also constructed regular consumption of alcohol as important in maintaining the social nature of the club. Participants overwhelmingly constructed alcohol as being necessary to keep people coming back to the club, and to play sport.

Masculine behaviours dominate the club space

Community sport continues to be dominated by behaviours that uphold masculine ideals. According to participants, males greatly outnumber females within this space and while the number of male club members remains strong, female numbers are decreasing. While males benefit from the current power dynamics, other groups face difficulties when trying to occupy certain spaces. Furthermore, the dominance of males sustains many inequitable outcomes, and members from subordinated groups discussed how they continually struggle to penetrate the patriarchal hierarchy that exists in community sports clubs. Alcohol consumption within community sport is one of many masculine-dominant behaviours that had significant implications for club members. The drinking patterns and resulting behaviours are reinforced by the power dynamics that exist due to the club structure and portrayals of masculinity. Three sub-themes capture how masculine behaviours have dominance within community sports clubs.

Declining female numbers

Participants described how males remain in many positions of power within sports clubs, which allows them to make major decisions that have a direct impact on both the club itself and the individuals within the club. Males who are in positions of power within the club seem to be unaware of the issues that the current structures cause and lack an understanding as to why membership numbers of certain groups continue to decline. Connor recounted times when females had attended club events, and although he acknowledges that the club activities may not have resonated with them, he is unsure why they no longer attend:

Connor: (Females) were always welcomed when they played with us. And you know, to their credit, they would come up and join us on social events. We tried to make them as welcome as we possibly could. Was it their scene? I don't know whether it was their scene. […] To sit around the clubrooms and booze all night, I don't know whether that was probably what they enjoyed. (54, male, player)

Although Connor acknowledges the highly masculine drinking practices of his clubmates may have contributed to the lack of female attendance, he doesn't consider changing this behaviour to make them feel more included. Connor belonged to the dominant group in the club space (male, NZ European, consumes alcohol), and there is an implicit understanding that dominant positions within society are normalised (Pratto and Stewart 2012). By assuming that dominant behaviours are normal, members of dominant groups often fail to recognise their privilege and do not understand how their behaviour affects and subordinates other groups (Flood and Pease 2005).

Competitive masculinity

Participants described how consuming alcohol within the club space was often undertaken with a sense of competition between those who drink. This was predominantly discussed as occurring within male groups and as a way for males to measure their ‘manliness’ against one another. Those who did not conform to these drinking practices had difficulties finding social belonging within the club space. Trent described one particular event as conforming to the wider drinking culture within Aotearoa NZ:

Trent: Maybe once or twice a season, we organise a like a real big night out at a BYO here in [club region]. And that- that is like, that's a real big night. Like, the young boys go hard, the older guys go hard. Everyone really, like your classic New Zealand drinking culture.

Interviewer: How would you define the New Zealand drinking culture?

Trent: Drinking to excess. Drinking- drinking competitively, like there is a competition element to drinking. Like, who's drinking more, who's drinking fastest, who's the drunkest, yeah. (30, male, player/captain)

For males, competition carries over from the sports field into other areas of the club, reinforcing hegemonic versions of masculinity. As Trent explains, the club members use alcohol consumption as a source of competition and face off against one another to see who can consume the most alcohol, a traditional marker of manliness. Competing against one another has historically been a way for males to measure their masculinity and they will often find competition in arbitrary tasks in an attempt to define a winner and a loser (Berdahl et al. 2018).

Males also measure their masculinity through topics of conversation. Sunil described instances where males in his sports club talked about their sexual relations with women during drinking sessions and the sense of competition that exists in these conversations:

Sunil: Weirdly, incredibly young people seem to be fascinated by two things. It's alcohol and sex. The icebreaker was almost always about sex you had the previous night and the number of chicks you've banged in the last month or last two weeks and it's just- there's mocking, there's undermining, there's ridicule. There's also- a lot of it was just, I wouldn't even say low-level misogyny, it's just proper misogyny. (36, male, player/coach)

Sunil describes male club members’ conversations as misogynistic. Such behaviours are used by males to portray masculine dominance and to measure their masculinity against one another (Bareket and Shnabel 2020). This kind of talk objectifies females and also functions to create a space in which other members do not feel comfortable. The interviews highlighted how the club space is used by some male members to measure and display competitive masculinity through excessive alcohol consumption, sexist and misogynist conversations, and by engaging in physically aggressive behaviours. Some participants attempted to justify these behaviours and understated the seriousness of certain situations, such as the overt display of misogyny. However, other participants (both male and female) explained how these kinds of behaviours, and the masculine ideals portrayed in the club, made them feel unwelcome, uncomfortable and excluded from multiple areas of the club space.

Anti-social behaviours

Participants discussed how anti-social behaviours occur due to excessive alcohol consumption. This included displays of aggressiveness, challenging one another and engaging in behaviours that are detrimental to the self and others (e.g. physical and verbal altercations). When club members organise events outside of the club space there is an expectation that members represent the club positively and refrain from engaging in behaviours that would bring the club's name into disrepute. However, these expectations were not always met due to excessive alcohol consumption. As Trent discusses below, drinking alcohol has also meant that the behaviour that often occurs at the team's annual BYO is not suitable for the female coaches or the members’ partners:

Trent: Our coach and our two sort of assistant coach/managers are female. […] The biggest social events are definitely not sort of a partner thing. The coaches still come, but it's, like, I think the partners would- would mostly be embarrassed by what they see their male partners get up to because it is- it's pretty messy. I've seen at the BYO, like that- towards the end of that, like the coaches are often a bit like, “fuck we're going to leave because this is- like this is getting out of hand”. So definitely, towards the end of that they would be getting a bit uncomfortable. (30, male, player/captain)

Alcohol is clearly linked to anti-social behaviours by many participants, and these are not just confined to the club space. As Trent highlights, the BYO event is not open to the partners and causes the female coaching staff to leave because of the behaviours that the team exhibit. While players are encouraged to abide by certain rules, alcohol inhibits this ability and behavioural expectations are dismissed.

In another club, Martin nonchalantly explains activities that encourage anti-social behaviours that players have to undertake to belong within the team:

Martin: We do initiations, but it isn't really much. One time we did a Haka on top of a hill after a win. Yeah, and one of the boys left their phone up there [laughs]. A few people throw up in the van (after drinking), like on the way back. Usually it's, kind of, get naked and go grab a road cone. (23, male, player)

Although behaviours such as this would not be acceptable in other settings, they are justified as a requirement to feel belonging within the club/team. Martin positions such behaviours as light-hearted, and in this way avoids acknowledging the potential negative consequences of engaging in these activities.

Establishing safe drinking practices within clubs and whose responsibility this is was mentioned by some participants. Often the person who has responsibility is decided by the person in charge of serving alcohol. As Tim explains, there were times when he has had to ask people to stop drinking:

Tim: It was, you know, it was to your judgement on the bar. […] We ran a drink promotion, two-dollar drinks until the first try was scored in a match. And then at halftime a try hadn't been scored, so I had to say, “it's done, it's done [laughs] you guys, yea you guys are getting too drunk”. (42, male, player/barman)

Anti-social behaviours occurred both inside and outside the club space. Some of the behaviours that are observed within the club setting would not be socially acceptable in general settings, yet club members continue to justify them by claiming that it is enjoyable to partake in these activities as part of a team or club. Many participants constructed alcohol, aggression and subsequent behaviours as part of the wider club culture and were unaware of the segregation created by such a construction. Further, the rules to counter many of these problems were not being implemented regularly, with many clubs opting not to enforce rules to increase perceived enjoyment and social togetherness within the club.

Feeling alienated within the club

Participants (both male and female) who were not in the dominant male group in the sports clubs explained how the anti-social behaviours, such as misogyny, violence and excessive alcohol consumption, denied them the opportunity to freely participate in club activities and left them feeling alienated. Dominant social group participants – usually male, European and a drinker – did not reflect on these behaviours or consider the impact they had on others. Further, participants also described traditional gender roles and behaviours as in action within the club space. The lack of reflection and awareness for non-dominant group members meant that many participants believed (erroneously) the practices within the club were inclusive. There were two ways this occurred, namely through drawing on ideas about – and reinforcing – traditional gender roles, as well as constructing people who choose not to drink in particular ways, as described below.

Traditional gender roles

The analysis suggested that the dominance of masculine behaviours reinforced traditional gender roles, leading to fewer opportunities for involvement within the community sports setting for some members. Traditional gender roles also meant that females have fewer opportunities to participate in every facet of the club space. Suzie highlighted privileges that males get within the club that are not afforded to females. She mentioned times where males have been able to play golf throughout the day because they do not have to undertake the same duties as their female partners:

Suzie: It takes four hours, on average to play 18 holes here, two hours to play 9 holes. A lot of women can't afford to take that amount of time out of their day, whereas men can, because they don't look after the kids most of the time. We get to know- we chat with the men. And oh, yeah you know, they say, “I finished work early and I've got time for nine holes before I have to go and deal with the kids”. (54, female, Manager)

Suzie describes how childcare is automatically constructed by men as a woman's role, and male golfers as having time to pursue their sporting endeavours because their wives and female partners undertake the traditional feminine role of caring for children. Amelia mentioned other gendered times at the sports club, including when her mother had to ensure that everyone made their way home safely after drinking alcohol within the club, while the males continued drinking:

Amelia: Often, like the woman were having to look after the kids and the younger kids. […] Even like now, with the boys being older, like, the mums would still drive them to where they wanted to go, while the dads would often, like, have a few more beers. (24, female, supporter)

Amelia explained how it continues to be normalised for females to take responsibility for the safety of everyone, while the males are expected, and afforded the opportunity, to not think about others, and continue to consume alcohol. These findings demonstrate how traditional gender roles and norms are drawn on and used in club sport today; many males engage in traditional masculine behaviours, are oblivious to the consequences, and expect other genders to support this. This is linked to inequitable opportunities for all members to be included in all aspects of the club space, events and social occasions.

Choosing not to drink

Most participants viewed club practices as inclusive of everyone, with options available for those who choose not to drink alcohol. However, providing a range of drink choices did not always mean that participants who did not drink alcohol in the sports club felt included in activities. Sunil discussed the problems he encountered early on in his involvement with club sport in Aotearoa NZ due to his dislike of beer:

Sunil: […] It appears that social cricket in New Zealand revolves around the consumption of beer. And that reconciliation was a little hard and a bit of a struggle. Because you're either a part of the gang or the group, you validate yourself by normalising that behaviour, and by being a part of said behaviour, or you're an outsider. (36, male, player/coach)

Sunil discussed how the sociality of the club revolves around the consumption of beer, a traditionally masculine drink, and highlights how involvement in the club space relies on this behaviour. Sunil explained that by not engage in beer drinking he was positioned as an ‘outsider’. This highlights the relationship between alcohol, the traditionally masculine alcoholic product of beer, and the subsequent alienation that can occur when one does not conform to traditional gender norms. Sunil noted in his interview that he did drink alcohol but disliked beer so refrained from drinking within the club setting. Yet club members assumed that he did not drink because of his ethnicity and religion.

Another participant described how choosing not to drink can also impact the ability to form strong bonds with other club members. Tim explained that it is difficult for non-drinkers to develop the same relationships within the club compared to those who drink regularly:

Tim: Yeah, I think it was a strong way of bringing the team together. Though, you know, I would also observe that, you know, for people who didn't drink that was also a more challenging- is more challenging for them to be part of the team. (42, male, player/barman)

These findings highlight that club members who engaged in dominant masculine behaviours, such as drinking beer, were described as being able to comfortably socialise within the club, those who did not drink alcohol were positioned and felt as not ‘part of the team’ nor afforded the same opportunities for socialising and building group relationships. This makes it difficult for non-drinkers to socialise and reinforces the notion that alcohol, and beer particularly, is essential for any socialising that happens within the sports club.

Discussion

Findings from this small, exploratory study highlight how community sports club members construct alcohol as essential to the existence – and strong social functioning – of the club itself. They also demonstrate the pervasive nature of alcohol in sports clubs and demonstrate that traditionally masculine drinking practices are alive and strong, even though they have negative implications including leaving some members feeling unwelcome and excluded. Overall, the interviews showed that alcohol and hegemonic forms of masculinity remain strongly aligned within contemporary community sports clubs in Aotearoa NZ in a way that impacts the experiences of all members.

While binge drinking in community sports spaces may not be as prominent as it is in other settings (Nelson and Wechsler 2001; Ford 2007; Wechsler et al. 1997), these findings showed how participants described excessive consumption still occurring on many occasions at club events. Moreover, there was a social expectation among club members that they involved themselves in drinking activities. This was viewed as an important aspect of the club space and contributed to gaining membership – and belonging – within the club. Drinking practices were often used to celebrate club members, initiate new members, and encourage teammates to bond. Maintaining sociality was discussed as a crucial aspect of community clubs and alcohol was viewed as essential to this goal. The use of alcohol to initiate and facilitate social situations is not novel to sports clubs and is observed throughout many spaces in Aotearoa NZ, as it is perceived as being an essential mechanism to enhance social situations (McCreanor et al. 2016).

Traditional masculine practices functioned to subordinate those within community sports clubs who did not identify as male. Non-male members were not afforded the same opportunities to participate in all areas of the club space. Regardless of drinking practices, identifying with a gender other than male had social implications. Participants often reiterated that being non-male made it difficult to form social bonds, which was mutually understood by both males and females. Males continue to experience more privilege and accessibility within this space, in line with Connell’s (2005) concept of the patriarchal dividend, which recognises the unequal access to privilege males have compared to other genders. Males were more likely to be in club roles that involved making decisions about the club, club finances and expenditure, and how the club operated.

Alcohol is viewed by many members as being essential to the survival of the club. This is similar to previous research within an Aotearoa NZ context, highlighting the historical presence of alcohol sponsorship in club sport and the emphasis that clubs put on alcohol-related funding as a source of revenue (see PS services 2010; Cody and Jackson 2016). Participants in the current study highlighted that many clubs are currently facing monetary issues, but the sale and promotion of alcohol was one area that eased the financial burden. Many current members opposed Chlöe Swarbrick's bill (Sale and Supply of Alcohol (Harm Minimisation) Amendment Bill, 2022b) and believed that the reduction in revenue that could result from this bill would be catastrophic for community sports. Participants’ understanding that alcohol is essential for the continuation of community sports meant that many were not willing to support change that they believe will inevitably reduce drinking practices. This was due to the majority believing that a reduction in alcohol availability and sponsorship would unequivocally lead to a decrease in club numbers and financial resources.

Overall participants described alcohol as widely accepted and as pervading all areas of the club space, often determining who gets access to club resources. It also allows those who engage in specific types of drinking behaviours to assert their dominance. These drinking practices reinforce inequities and exclude some members. Policymakers and local governments could work in partnership with clubs to explore ways of making community sports spaces more inclusive to improve outcomes for both the club and individual members. Alternatives to alcohol need to be identified that can provide the social cohesion and belongingness within the club. These could include team-building exercises or family-focused activities that would provide an environment that does not alienate those who choose not to take part in normative drinking practices and traditional masculine behaviours.

In international studies, policies targeted at reducing alcohol consumption within sports clubs have had mixed results, reporting both reductions and no changes in drinking practices (see Thompson et al. 2017; O’Farrell et al. 2018). However, attaining alternative funding for alcohol was not the key focus of these studies. While there are interventions that can be developed to reduce alcohol consumption that does not focus on funding, it can be difficult to enforce these when alcohol is still discussed as one of the biggest contributors to a clubs’ revenue. The Good Sports programme in Australia (see Good Sports n.d.) may be an appropriate framework to model in an Aotearoa NZ context. The programme claims to help clubs that comply with tailored guidelines and policies by providing them with resources to access additional funding. A similar programme implemented by policymakers and local government in Aotearoa NZ may encourage clubs to comply with alcohol recommendations and enforce structural change by using extra funding as an incentive.

Masculinity and alcohol consumption were both identified in the current study as key components within the community club space. Displaying masculine norms and consuming alcohol, especially beer, are social markers that determine how members will interact with one another. This is similar to previous Australian findings within an Australian rules football club (Hart 2016) and suggests that the enforcement of gender-based hierarchies upholds masculine norms around alcohol. Further, masculine norms dictate the type of alcohol males will drink, who they will drink it with, and how much they will consume. Subordination and inequities within community sports are compounded by dominant groups interpreting the current practices as inclusive of all. This research has found that alcohol consumption and the dominance of masculinity are contributing to inequitable outcomes. Masculine norms also invoke excessive levels of consumption in all spaces and alienate those who choose not to engage in specific kinds of drinking practices. Reducing the overall level of alcohol consumption and changing risky behaviours driven by hegemonic masculinity will lead to better outcomes for all who participate in community club sport, and may encourage a more diverse membership.

The interviews were a joint construction between participants and the researcher. Participants interacted with the interviewer in a way that reflected his position as a young, heterosexual, able-bodied New Zealander who has been heavily involved in community sport and previously consumed alcohol in the club setting. Occupying this position meant that many male participants discussed how the space functions for ‘us’. Some interviews also had a sense of the bravado that was regularly discussed as occurring in community sports spaces. Male participants regularly referred to the researcher as ‘mate’ or ‘bro’, highlighting the usual relationships that form between privileged males in this space, and suggesting that they viewed the researcher as a friend and an ally. During the interviews, many of the participants embraced the current practices within the club, rather than defending them, perhaps due to their preconceived ideas of a male researcher who would resonate with the current drinking practices and masculine values. Furthermore, those who did not occupy dominant positions within the club at times questioned the stance of a male researcher on current practices. While participants were reassured that their views were the key focus, it may have been difficult for all participants to entirely trust a researcher who holds privilege in the club space. Future research may benefit from having an interviewer who does not belong to the dominant group; this may help to develop stronger rapport and encourage fuller expression of non-normative experiences.

While this research is limited to a particular geographic context and involves a small sample of participants, the findings provide some insight into views on alcohol and drinking within community sports clubs. It would be beneficial for future research to explore other geographic areas where there may be other versions of masculinities, such as the ‘classic Kiwi bloke’ in rural areas in Aotearoa NZ, and the beer-drinking culture that is idolised by many New Zealanders (Sim and Thomson 2000). There may also be differences across sports; rugby is highly popular and often framed as a way to display power and legitimise masculine behaviours (Pomeroy 2021).

Future research would benefit from including more diverse participant samples to capture how hegemonic masculinity and alcohol consumption may function within other communities and for other people throughout Aotearoa NZ. Sports clubs can include people from a range of demographics and backgrounds, including different genders, sexual orientations and ethnicities. These factors could all change how masculinity and alcohol consumption are constructed, experienced, understood and how they function within the club space. Including more diverse participants will provide deeper understandings of the experiences of groups who have historically experienced inequitable access to opportunities and poorer outcomes in community sports. Such work will likely identify more nuanced experiences and views of masculinities and alcohol consumption in community sports clubs that would be important for policy considerations.

Hapeta et al. (2019) describe the high participation of Māori and Pasifika within sports within Aotearoa NZ, and outline the significant contributions they have made, especially to rugby. Hokowhitu (2004) has written eloquently about a dominant imagined Māori masculinity linked to sports that is silent, tough, practical and naturally physical. He describes how traditional, racist notions of Māori masculine physicality led to dominant understandings of the natural Māori sportsman in colonial Aotearoa. The dominant physical Māori masculinity discourse had serious negative consequences, including severely restricting Māori men's education and work options and opportunities to participate in other realms of life. Māori men have gained respect for their sporting prowess in rugby and rugby league, reinforcing the dominant discourse. Such work demonstrates the need to gain Māori perspectives and understandings within sporting spaces and contextualise this within the historical and colonised context in which dominant discourses arise and are reproduced.

In conclusion, changes are required in sports clubs around alcohol accessibility, availability and promotion, to change current club cultures and cultures. Sport and alcohol are important for many New Zealanders (Phillips 2013). Ideally, club sport is a space for social belonging, mutual respect, and a healthy display of passion and commitment. Yet, this research suggests that the club spaces described in this study are more accessible for those who conform to specific drinking practices and masculine expectations. Future research and policy need to attend to alcohol within sports clubs, and how hegemonic masculinity perpetuates particular drinking practices, to identify strategies that will change drinking behaviours and encourage a more inclusive environment. A starting point to change the culture would be to eliminate all alcohol marketing and sponsorship from community sports, and find alternative sources of revenue to ensure clubs survive and thrive.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank all participants who generously gave their time and shared their experiences for this research. We also wish to acknowledge the School of Health, Victoria University of Wellington.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).