1,036
Views
6
CrossRef citations to date
0
Altmetric
Original Articles

Collaboration in Eastern Galicia: The Ukrainian police and the Holocaust

Pages 95-118 | Published online: 07 Aug 2006
 

Notes

David Kahane, Lvov Ghetto Diary, trans. Jerzy Michalowicz (Amherst, Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press, 1990), 136.

On Ukrainian efforts to help Jews, see Frank Golczewski, ‘Die Revision eines Klischees: Die Rettung von verfolgten Juden im Zweiten Weltkrieg durch Ukrainer’, in Wolfgang Benz and Juliane Wetzel (eds.), Solidarität und Hilfe für Juden während der NS-Zeit: Regionalstudien, Vol. 2, Regionalstudien Ukraine, Böhmen und Mähren, Österreich, Lettland, Litauen, Estland (Berlin: Metropole, 1998), 9–82.

According to a 1931 census, the Jewish population of eastern Galicia was 567, 554. See Paul Robert Magocsi, Galicia: A Historical Survey and Bibliographic Guide (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983), 231.

For an eyewitness account, see Kahane, Lvov Ghetto Diary, 5–13; for historical descriptions, see, for instance, Philip Friedman, ‘Ukrainian–Jewish Relations during the Nazi Occupation’ and ‘The Destruction of the Jews of Lwów’, both in Roads to Extinction: Essays on the Holocaust (New York and Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1980), 184–88 and 244–48, respectively; Dieter Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien 1941–1944: Organisation und Durchführung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechens, 2nd ed. (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1997), 54–67; Thomas Sandkühler, ‘Endlösung’ in Galizien: Der Judenmord in Ostpolen und Rettungsinitiativen von Berthold Beitz 1941–1944 (Bonn: Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachfolger, 1996), 114–22.

We limit our enquiry in this essay to Ukrainian police participation in the Holocaust in eastern Galicia. To be sure, local police units were integral to the German occupation throughout the Soviet Union and territories occupied by the Soviet Union in 1939–41. Organised by the SS or German civil administration in a given area, these formations, including the Ukrainian police in eastern Galicia, were assigned a variety of tasks, not only support in the annihilation of the Jews. See Richard Breitman, ‘Himmler’s Police Auxiliaries in the Occupied Soviet Territories’, Simon Wiesenthal Center Annual, No. 7, 1990, 23–39; Frank Golczewski, ‘Organe der deutschen Besatzungsmacht: Die ukrainischen Schutzmannschaften’, in Wolfgang Benz, Johannes Houwinek, and Gerhard Otto (eds.), Die Bürokratie der Okkupation: Strukturen der Herrschaft und Verwaltung im besetzten Europa (Berlin: Metropole, 1998), 173–96. But collusion in the destruction of European Jewry was a high, if not the highest, priority in the formation of such police units in Ukraine and elsewhere in the USSR and Soviet-occupied regions. See, e.g., Yehuda Büchler, ‘Local Police Force Participation in the Extermination of the Jews in Occupied Soviet Territory, 1941–1942’, Shvut, Vol. 20, 1996, 79–98.

See John-Paul Himka, ‘Ukrainian Collaboration in the Extermination of the Jews during the Second World War: Sorting Out the Long-Term and Conjunctural Factors’, in The Fate of European Jews, 1939–1945: Continuity or Contingency?, Vol. 13 of Jonathan Frankel (ed.), Studies in Contemporary Jewry (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 170–89; Frank Golczewski, ‘Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine’, in Kooperation und Verbrechen: Formen der ‘Kollaboration’ im östlichen Europa 1939–1945, Vol.19 of Christoph Dieckmann, Babette Quinkert and Tatjana Tönsmeyer (eds.), Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2003), 151–82.

See, e.g., John-Paul Himka, ‘Krakivski visti and the Jews, 1943: A Contribution to the History of Ukrainian–Jewish Relations during the Second World War’, Journal of Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 21, Nos. 1–2, 1996, 81–95 (Special Issue: Ukraine: Developing a Democratic Polity).

John A. Armstrong, ‘Collaboration in World War II: The Integral Nationalist Variant in Eastern Europe’, Journal of Modern History, Vol. 40, No. 3, 1968, 396–410. See also his book Ukrainian Nationalism, 3rd ed. (Englewood, Colorado: Ukrainian Academic Press, 1990), esp. chap. 12.

See Jan T. Gross, ‘Themes for a Social History of War Experience and Collaboration’, in István Deák, Jan T. Gross and Tony Judt (eds.), The Politics of Retribution: World War II and Its Aftermath (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 15–35. See also Jan Gross, ‘War as Revolution’, in Norman Naimark and Leonid Gibianskii (eds.), The Establishment of Communist Regimes in Eastern Europe, 1944–1949 (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1997), 17–40. In a similar vein, see Erich Haberer, ‘Intention and Feasibility: Reflections on Collaboration and the Final Solution’, East European Jewish Affairs, Vol. 31, No. 2, 2001, 64–81.

For contemporary use of this motto, see the proclamation of the Second Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists in Rome, 26–27 August 1939, quoted in Petro Mirchuk, Narys istorii Orhanizatsii Ukrains’kykh Natsionalistiv 1920–1939 (Sketch of the History of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, 1920–1939) (Munich: Ukrains’ke vydavnytstvo, 1968), 581; and the report of the Chief of the Secret Police and the SD, ‘Operational Situation Report USSR No. 56’, 18 August 1941, in Yitzhak Arad, Shmuel Krakowski and Shmuel Spector (eds.), The Einsatzgruppen Reports (New York: Holocaust Library, 1989), 93. The desire of politically mobilised Ukrainians for a nationally homogenous Ukrainian state in Volhynia and Galicia has recently been discussed in Timothy Snyder, ‘The Causes of Ukrainian–Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943’, Past & Present, No. 173, 2003, 197–234; idem, The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), esp. chap. 9.

See Dieter Pohl, ‘Ukrainische Hilfskräfte beim Mord an den Juden’, in Gerhard Paul (ed.), Die Täter der Shoah: Fanatische Nationalsozialisten oder ganz normale Deutsche? (Dachau: Wallstein Verlag, 2002), 205–34, esp. 220.

See Kahane, Lvov Ghetto Diary, 12; Jacob Gerstenfeld-Maltiel, My Private War: One Man’s Struggle to Survive the Soviets and the Nazis (London: Valentine Mitchell, 1993), 163.

For a brief but compelling analysis of the nature of the Nazi state, see Michael Geyer, ‘The Nazi State Reconsidered’, in Richard Bessel (ed.), Life in the Third Reich (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 57–67.

For an application of the standards of Christopher Browning’s ‘ordinary men’ to the Ukrainian context, emphasising an array of mundane factors from peer pressure to the corrupting influence of personal enrichment and professional mobility, the numbing effects of alcohol, and intoxication with the exertion of the power of life and death over others, see Martin Dean, Collaboration in the Holocaust: Crimes of the Local Police in Belorussia and Ukraine, 1941–44 (New York: St Martin’s Press, 2000), esp. 101–02. The geographical locus of Dean’s study is eastern Ukraine. Ukrainian police participation in the murder of Jews in eastern Ukraine is also considered in Karel C. Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine Under Nazi Rule (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: Harvard University Press, 2004), 64, 68–69, 76, 82–83, 295.

Zvi Gitelman, ‘Politics and the Historiography of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union’, in Zvi Gitelman (ed.), Bitter Legacy: Confronting the Holocaust in the Soviet Union (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1997), 33.

On Ukrainian nationalism in eastern Galicia, see Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 11–17. Also useful is Jan T. Gross, Revolution From Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland’s Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 6–7.

See prewar German reports from Galicia and Poland in National Archives and Administration Records (NARA), Record Group 242, DW files, Box 24, folder 20A. Kubiiovych wanted Jews and Poles removed from Ukraine with German assistance. See Volodymyr Kubiiovych, Ukraintsi v Heneral’nii Hubernii, 1939–1941: istoriia Ukrains’koho Tsentralnoho Komitetu (Ukrainians in the General Government, 1939–1941: The History of the Ukrainian Central Committee) (Chicago: Vydavnytstvo Mykoly Denysiuka, 1975), 547. We are indebted to Christine Kulke for this reference. See also Jan Tomasz Gross, Polish Society under German Occupation: The Generalgouvernement, 1939–1944 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), 189–90, 195.

Frank’s daily log is instructive in this regard. See Werner Präg and Wolfgang Jacobmeyer (eds.), Das Diensttagebuch des deutschen Generalgouverneurs in Polen 1939–1945 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1975), 358–59, 595, 642, 695, 744, 924.

Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 34.

See Golczewski, ‘Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine’, 163.

See Jan Gross, ‘The Jewish Community in the Soviet-Annexed Territories on the Eve of the Holocaust: A Social Scientist’s View’, in Lucjan Dobroszycki and Jeffrey S. Gurock (eds.), The Holocaust in the Soviet Union: Studies and Sources on the Destruction of the Jews in the Nazi-Occupied Territories of the USSR, 1941–45 (Armonk, NY and London: M. E. Sharpe, 1993), 155–71; Dov Levin, The Lesser of Two Evils: Eastern European Jewry under Soviet Rule, 1939–1941, trans. Naftali Greenwood (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1995).

Michael Geyer, ‘Review of Norman Naimark, Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe and Phillip Ther and Ana Siljak (eds.), Redrawing Nations: Ethnic Cleansing in East–Central Europe, 1944–1948’, Journal of Modern History, Vol. 75, No. 4, 2003, 935–38, quote at 937.

On the entanglement of Ukrainian nationalists with Nazi Germany, see Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, esp. chaps. 3–4. For a useful synopsis of the fortunes of Ukrainian nationalism under Nazi occupation, see Michael Burleigh, The Third Reich: A New History (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000), 444–45.

Authoritative studies of the German annihilation of the Jews of eastern Galicia are Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien and Sandkühler, ‘Endlösung’ in Galizien.

This reflects the view of German commanders in the field. In his infamous final report on the destruction of the Jews of the district of Galicia, Katzmann wrote: ‘Owing to the great number of Jews and the vast area to be combed these actions were performed with the assistance of detachments from the Security Police, the Order Police, the Gendarmerie, the Special Service, and the Ukrainian Police, all acting together in numerous single sweeps.’ See Katzmann’s final report, ‘Lösung der Judenfrage in Distrikt Galizien’, 30 June 1943, Nuremberg Document L-018, partially edited in Trial of the Major War Criminals, Vol. 37 (Nuremberg: International Military Tribunal Nuremberg, 1949), 391–431, quote at 404.

Dmytro Dontsov, Patriotyzm (Patriotism) (L’viv: Kvartal’nyk Visnyka, 1936), 40–41; M. Stsibors’kyi, ‘Problemy hospodars’koi vlasnosty’ (Problems of Economic Property), 13–14, and Mykhailo Podoliak, ‘Suspil’nyi zmist natsionalismu’ (The Social Essence of Nationalism), 37, 39, both in Na sluzhbi natsii (In the Service of the Nation) (Paris: n.p., 1938).

In a similar vein, Armstrong (Ukrainian Nationalism, 124) emphasises the Ukrainian obsession with military strength in pursuit of independence. If a potent military was important to protect a prospective Ukrainian state from external enemies, so was an effective police to safeguard it from internal ones. See also the correspondence of the UtsK with German officials regarding the expansion and training of the Ukrainian police in The Correspondence of the Ukrainian Central Committee in Cracow and Lviv with the German Authorities, 1939–1944 (Edmonton/Toronto: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 2000), part I, 243, 308, 694; part II, 1,248.

Yaroslav Stets’ko, 30 chervnia 1941: proholoshennia vidnovlennia derzhavnosti Ukrainy (30 June 1941: The Declaration of the Resurrection of Ukrainian Statehood) (Toronto: Liha Vyzvolennia Ukrainy, 1967), 182. See also Himka, ‘Ukrainian Collaboration in the Extermination of the Jews’, 179.

Golczewski, ‘Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine’, 166.

See Friedman, ‘Ukrainian–Jewish Relations during the Nazi Occupation’, 179–80; Ryszard Torzecki, Polacy i Ukranińcy: sprawa ukraińska w czasie II wojny światowej na terenie II Rzeczypospolitej (Poles and Ukrainians: The Ukrainian Question during the Second World War on the Territory of the Second Polish Republic) (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 1993), 175–76.

Tsentral’nyi derzhavnyi arkhiv vyshchykh orhaniv vlady ta upravlinnia Ukrainy (The Central State Archive of the Highest Organs of Power and Adminstration of Ukraine), Kiev (TsDAVO), f. 3833, o. 1, spr. 9, ark. 2–3; quoted in part in Karel C. Berkhoff and Marco Carynnyk, ‘The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and its Attitude toward Germans and Jews: Iaroslav Stets’ko’s ‘Zhyttiepys’, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 23, Nos. 3–4, 1999, 149–84, 154; cited in Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien, 49.

Golczewski, ‘Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine’, 164–65.

Quoted in Berkhoff and Carynnyk, ‘The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists’, 152, 171; quoted in part in Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien, 49.

Berkhoff and Carynnyk, ‘The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists’, 155.

See Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien, 49.

The exact date of the dissolution of the Ukrainian militia detachments and the establishment in turn of the Ukrainian auxiliary police in eastern Galicia vary slightly from source to source. In an interview in the Ukrainian newspaper Lvivs’ki vis’ti, the commander of the third commissariat of the Lwów police, Leonid Ohonovs’kii, dated the disbandment of the Ukrainian militias and the corresponding establishment of the Ukrainian police to 15 August 1941. See Lvivs’ki vis’ti, 15 October 1941, 3.

See Torzecki, Polacy i Ukraińcy, 53–54; Kubiiovych, Ukraintsi v Heneral’nii Hubernii, 37.

Andrzej Sowa, Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie 1939–1947: zarys problematyky (Polish–Ukrainian Relations, 1939–1947: Sketch of the Issues) (Cracow: Towarzystwo Sympatyków Historii, 1998), 112; Archiwum Akt Nowych (Archives of New Records), Warsaw (AAN), sygn. 202/III-134, kk. 225–26; Lvivs’ki vis’ti, 13 November 1941, 6; ibid., 25 November 1941, 4.

See Heinrich Himmler’s instructions, which include Ukrainians in the complement of these auxiliary units, to Higher SS and Police Leaders Hans Adolf Prützmann, Friedrich Jeckeln and Erich von dem Bach, and SS and Police Leader Odilo Globocnik, 25 July 1941, NARA, Record Group 242, T-454, Roll 100, Frames 699–700.

AAN, sygn. 3, kk. 1,3.

Archiwum Wojskowego Instytutu Historycznego (Archive of Institute of Military History), Warsaw, sygn. VII/50/67, kk. 3, 12; Derzhavnyi arkhiv L’vivs’koi oblasti (Archive of the L’viv Oblast’), L’viv (DALO), f. P-36, o. 2, spr. 16, ark. 1–7.

Ryszard Torzecki, Kwestia ukraińska w polityce III Rzeszy, 1933–1945 (The Ukrainian Question in the Politics of the Third Reich, 1933–1945) (Warsaw: Książka i Wiedza, 1972), 242. A member of the UVO leadership, Dmytro Paliïv was one of the founders of the proto-fascist Front of National Unity and helped organise the UTsK in the GG.

DALO, f. P-58, o. 1, spr. 30, ark. 42; f. P-12, o. 1, spr. 40, ark. 4; f. P-12, o. 1, spr. 124, ark. 1–8; f. P-12, o. 1, spr. 45, ark. 15; f. P-12, o. 1, spr. 33, ark. 2–6; f. P-12, o. 1, spr. 43, ark. 1–21; f. P-27, o. 1, spr. 4, ark. 1–19; f. P-27, o. 1, spr. 3, ark. 7–8, 58, 73.

TsDAVO, f. 4630, o. 3, spr. 378, ark. 55.

Martin Dean, ‘The German Gendarmerie, the Ukrainian Schutzmannschaft and the “Second Wave” of Jewish Killings in Occupied Ukraine: German Policing at the Local Level in the Zhitomir Region, 1941–1944’, German History, Vol. 14, No. 2, 1996, 168–92, quote at 179.

DALO, f. P-12, o. 1, spr. 4, ark. 10, 14, 16, 18, 28. A survivor of the Stanislawów ghetto, Mikhail Schreiber, recalls that many of his Ukrainian schoolmates and neighbours of various social backgrounds enlisted in the police. Interview, 20 July 1998, L’viv.

DALO, f. P-1946cr, o. 1c, spr. 8, ark. 1; f. P-12, o. 1, spr. 84, ark. 10. Bohdan Koziy, who was denaturalised in an American court in 1982 on account of his police activities, was an active member of OUN-B before he joined the Ukrainian auxiliary policy in eastern Galicia. See United States v. Bohdan Koziy, 540 F. Supp. 25, 29 (1982).

Aharon Weiss, ‘Helkah shel ha-Mishtarah ha-Mekomit be-Sho’at Yehudei ukrainah’ (The Role of the Local Police in the Destruction of the Jews in Ukraine), Mikha’el, Vol. 13, 1993, 69–84, at 77.

Ibid. See also Himka, ‘Ukrainian Collaboration in the Extermination of the Jews’, 179.

See Thomas Sandkühler, ‘Anti-Jewish Policy and the Murder of the Jews in the District of Galicia, 1941/42’, in Ulrich Herbert (ed.), National Socialist Extermination Policies: Contemporary German Perspectives and Controversies (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2000), 104–27, here 127, n. 67; see also Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien, 92.

Yitzhak Shikhzar (Schwartz), in I. Kahan (ed.), Sefer Buczacz: Matsevet Zikaron le-Kehilah Kedoshah (Book of Buczacz: In Memory of a Martyred Community) (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 1956), 248.

See, e.g., Ukrainian police reports from 1942–43 of anti-Jewish actions in DALO, f. P-146cr, o. 1c, spr. 8, ark. 3; f. P-23c, o. 4c, spr. 6, ark. 14. In August 1943, 20 Ukrainian policemen were transferred to a special unit, the Fahndungsdienst, which hunted down escapees from PoW camps and Jewish ghettos, ibid., f. 58, o. 1, spr. 30, ark. 21. The memorial books of Polish Jewry abound in descriptions of Ukrainian police assistance. See, e.g., Sefer Yizkor le-Kehilot Trembowla, Strusow ve-Janow ve-ha-Sevivah (Memorial Book for the Communities of Trembowla, Strusow, Janow and Vicinity) (Bnei Berak: Trembowla Society, n.d. [1981?]). See also Gitelman, ‘Politics and the Historiography of the Holocaust in the Soviet Union’, 34.

The court in the denaturalisation proceedings against Bohdan Koziy found that he had shot and killed a child in hiding whose Jewish identity he had uncovered in the absence of any German order or presence. See United States v. Bohdan Koziy, 540 F. Supp. 25, 32 (1982). In the vicinity of Brody the Ukrainian police murdered the members of a Jewish family whose hiding place was betrayed by local Ukrainians who had previously hidden them. See Henry Friedman, I’m No Hero: Journeys of a Holocaust Survivor (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1999), 31–32.

TsDAVO, f. 3833, o. 1, spr. 107, ark. 3–4.

See Pitulei’s report of 25 March 1942 in Yitzhak Arad (ed.), Unichtozhenie evreev SSSR v gody nemetskoi okkupatsii, 1941–1944: sbornik dokumentov i materialov (The Destruction of the Jews of the USSR during the German Occupation, 1941–1944: Collected Documents and Materials) (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1991), 90.

DALO, f. P-12, o. 1, spr. 38, ark. 9, 11–14, 36–38, 41, 44, 51–52.

Ibid., f. P-1946cr, o. 1c, spr. 14, ark. 9. For other examples of the behaviour of the Ukrainian police in Lwów, see Pohl, Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien, 218–19; Aharon Weiss, ‘Jewish–Ukrainian Relations in Western Ukraine during the Holocaust’, in Howard Aster and Peter J. Potichnyj (eds.), Ukrainian–Jewish Relations in Historical Perspective, 2nd ed. (Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, University of Alberta, 1990), 409–20, at 415–16; Weiss, ‘Helkah shel ha-Mishtarah ha-Mekomit be-Sho’at Yehudei ukrainah’, 78.

Shimon Redlich, ‘Metropolitan Andrii Sheptyts’kyi and the Complexities of Ukrainian–Jewish Relations’, in Gitelman (ed.), Bitter Legacy, 69.

The activities of the Ukrainian police in Stanisławów are described in Tadeusz Jędruszczak, ‘Początki okupacji niemieckiej w tzw. Dystrykcie Galicyjskim w 1941 r.’ (The Beginnings of the German Occupation in the So-called District of Galicia in 1941), Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis, History Series, XXXVI, 543, 1981, 212–14. The participation of Ukrainian police forces in the round-ups of Poles for forced labour in Germany is discussed in Sowa, Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie, 132. On the anti-Polish reference in songs popular within the ranks of the Ukrainian police, see Borys Levyts’kyi, ‘Einsatzgruppen der Sicherheitspolizei’, Kultura, Vol. 4, No. 150, 1960, 90.

Timothy Snyder has examined the Polish–Ukrainian conflict in depth and with admirable sophistication. See his The Reconstruction of Nations, esp. pt. II; ‘The Causes of Ukrainian–Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943’; and ‘“To Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and for All”: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943–1947’, Journal of Cold War Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2, 1999, 86–120. See also Torzecki, Polacy i Ukraińcy. It should be noted that the attacks by Ukrainian partisans on Poles in March 1943 were preceded by anti-Polish actions undertaken by Ukrainian police forces in 1941 and 1942 as a result of vehement prewar Ukrainian opposition to Polish rule.

See Burleigh, The Third Reich, 534–35.

Evidence of the benefits of membership of the Ukrainian police in eastern Galicia is reflected in the registration document (Anmeldung) of Bohdan Koziy. See plaintiff’s exhibit six in United States v. Bohdan Koziy, 540 F.Supp. 25 (1982). A detailed description of the compensation and benefits – among them free health care within the scope of health care provisions for the Reich police – accorded to all auxiliary police in eastern territories under German occupation, including Ukrainians, can be found in the order of Order Police Chief Kurt Daluege, entitled ‘Schutzmannschaften in den Ostgebieten’, 6 November 1941, NARA, Record Group 242, T 454, Roll 100, Frames 724–30.

According to Katzmann’s final report on the destruction of the Jews of eastern Galicia, the global compensation of Ukrainian policemen for their assistance amounted to 47,358,51 zlotys! See Trial of the Major War Criminals, Vol. 37, 404. The provision of vodka and cigarettes can be found in DALO, f. P-2042, o. 1, spr. 107, ark. 46–48, 86.

Golczewski, ‘Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine’, 167.

See Friedman, I’m No Hero, 29.

Kahane, Lvov Ghetto Diary, 133–35.

O. Snovyda (Dmytro Dontsov), ‘Znov zhydivs’ke pytannia’ (The Jewish Question Again), Svoboda, 26 April 1933, 2; quoted in Berkhoff and Carynnyk, ‘The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists’, 155–56.

Yisrael Gelbart, in Sefer Buczacz, 282–83.

Jan T. Gross, ‘A Tangled Web: Confronting Stereotypes Concerning Relations between Poles, Germans, Jews, and Communists’, in Deák, Gross and Judt (eds.), The Politics of Retribution, 74–129, quote at 120, n. 26. To be fair, it is imperative to mention the betrayal of Jewish children throughout Nazi-occupied Europe. Indeed, Gross here recounts the zeal of Poles in identifying incognito Jewish children. The difference between Poles and Ukrainians in this context lies in large part in motivation. Gross suggests that Poles reported the presence of Jewish children in Polish society because their protectors might bear witness to prevailing Polish anti-Semitic attitudes and thus undermine the predominant myth of Polish fear of German retaliation if they acted to save Jews. We would contend that Ukrainians reported Jewish children because there was no place for a Jewish child in a Ukraine for Ukrainians.

Quoted in Władysław Filar, ‘Rozwój ukraińskiego ruchu niepodległościowego na Wołyniu w latach 1939–1944: Powstanie UPA’ (The Evolution of the Ukrainian Independence Movement in Volhynia in 1939–1944: The Rise of the UPA), in Polska–Ukraina: trudne pytania (Poland–Ukraine: Difficult Questions), Vols. 1–2: Materiały II międzynarodowego seminarium historycznego ‘Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie w latach 1918–1947’, Warszawa, 22–24 maja 1997 (Presentations from the International Historical Seminar ‘Polish–Ukrainian Relations in 1918–1947’, Warsaw, 22–24 May 1997) (Warsaw: Karta, 1998), 67–92, quote at 71. See also Golczewski, ‘Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine’, 164–65.

Cf. the discussion of Polish behaviour in the Holocaust in Jan Gross, Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 136.

For a penetrating analysis of the violent ramifications of the polarisation into friends and enemies in the twentieth century with its agonising expression in the Nazi murder of the Jews, see Omer Bartov, ‘Elusive Enemies’, in his Mirrors of Destruction: War, Genocide, and Modern Identity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 91–142.

Log in via your institution

Log in to Taylor & Francis Online

PDF download + Online access

  • 48 hours access to article PDF & online version
  • Article PDF can be downloaded
  • Article PDF can be printed
USD 53.00 Add to cart

Issue Purchase

  • 30 days online access to complete issue
  • Article PDFs can be downloaded
  • Article PDFs can be printed
USD 274.00 Add to cart

* Local tax will be added as applicable

Related Research

People also read lists articles that other readers of this article have read.

Recommended articles lists articles that we recommend and is powered by our AI driven recommendation engine.

Cited by lists all citing articles based on Crossref citations.
Articles with the Crossref icon will open in a new tab.