EU trade politics — heaven or hell?

Abstract

The analysis begins by examining a paradigm of successful EU trade politics (‘heaven’), and what it might constitute. It argues that both the EU trade policy process and the dynamics of EU trade politics are essentially positive factors. However, while this ‘heaven’ might exist in theory (and did in reality, to an extent, in the latter years of the last century), a series of largely external factors, notably those relating to development and globalization, have made EU trade politics more complex and difficult to manage. The remedy lies not in trying to ‘seal off’ the EU trade policy process from politics, but in seeking overtly political solutions, such as flanking policies to encourage public support for trade openness, taking a serious look at the idea of ‘collective preferences’, and instituting a greater role for the European Parliament.

Keywords:

• Article 133 Committee
• Doha Development Agenda
• EU trade policy
• globalization
• multilateral trade
• trade and development

Acknowledgements

Many grateful thanks to those current and former colleagues who have offered useful comments, and who perhaps wisely wish to remain anonymous, as well as to John Peterson and Alasdair Young.

Notes

1. The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone, writing in a purely personal capacity, and should not be taken to represent the views of the European Commission.

2. The designation European Union (EU) is used throughout, even when it might be more legally or historically accurate to talk of the European Community or the European Economic Community.

3. Indeed, it is written from five different ‘viewpoints’ of EU trade policy and politics: I have worked variously in the UK Department of Trade and Industry (1989–93), in the European Commission Delegation in Washington (1994–96), at the UK Permanent Representation to the EU (1996–99), in the Cabinet of Commissioner Pascal Lamy (1999–2004), and since 2004 as a Head of Unit in the Directorate-General for Trade.

4. The 133 Committee meets three Fridays a month at ‘Deputies’ level, largely mid-ranking trade policy specialists from national capitals. Once a month, it meets at ‘Full Member’ level, with the top-ranking officials from both Commission and member states present. This enables both discussion of the day-to-day details of ongoing negotiations, and a monthly strategic ‘check-up’.

5. At the time of writing (late April 2006), such a ‘real political crisis’ had not materialized but remained well within the realm of possibility.

6. Henceforth I use the term ‘WTO’, even when referring to the pre-1995 period.