Sustainability, self-reliance and aloha aina: the case of Molokai, Hawai’i

Abstract

A growing body of academic and popular literature associates localized systems of production and consumption with improved sustainability. However, there is a need for research that systematically addresses whether and how re-localization of an economy makes it sustainable, and under what conditions such regional self-sufficiency is possible. In the state of Hawai’i, there is growing momentum to create greater energy and food self-reliance throughout the islands as a means to achieve greater sustainability. Nowhere is this sentiment stronger than on the island of Molokai, frequently called the ‘last Hawaiian Island.’ On Molokai, the discourse of sustainability is interpreted through the lens of aloha aina, or love for the land, and an associated desire for stewardship of resources so that island residents can be as self-reliant as possible. This paper presents two recent examples from Molokai to illustrate some of the complexities associated with regional self-sufficiency on an island unavoidably buffeted by state, national and global socio-political and economic forces. Self-reliance in food on Molokai in fact requires greater collaboration with, as opposed to isolationism from, the central state. Conflicts arise when efforts to promote island sustainability are at odds with initiatives for sustainability at a broader organizational level – in this case, at the state level. The Hawai’i case raises broader questions about the viability of regional-focused sustainability initiatives that underestimate the degree to which their resource management systems are deeply interconnected to larger-scale state, national or global systems and that overlook the potential negative externalities of their efforts.

Keywords:

• sustainable development
• Hawai’i
• marine resource management
• energy politics
• scale
• Molokai

Acknowledgements

This research was supported by a National Science Foundation Science Education and Engineering for Sustainability postdoctoral fellowship under Award number 1215762. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2013 International Geographical Union Commission on Islands’ International Conference. Many thanks to conference participants as well as to my colleague Jia Ching Chen who provided helpful feedback on earlier drafts.

Notes

1 Integral to Hawaiian management is the concept of aloha aina, or love and respect for the land. Prior to first contact, Hawaiians maintained a spiritual belief and practice premised upon land being considered a living entity (Conway-Jones 2005). According to the kupuna (elders), Hawaiians are genealogical descendants of the earth, sea, sky and natural life forces. Like an elder sibling, land was believed to care for the Hawaiian people as long as the Hawaiian people cared for it, in a reciprocal interdependent relationship. One literal translation of aina is ‘that which feeds.’ This definition connotes a concept of the environment based on the interconnections of land and people, and a union between culture and ecosystem (Beamer 2013).

2 For example, it is estimated that nearly $500,000 are channelled into Molokai every month as welfare payments (Busch et al. 2012).

3 All petroleum and natural gas used on Molokai is imported, which is significant especially because Hawai’i is dependent on oil for electricity generation (Busch et al. 2012).

4 Quote from Molokai resident interviewee, June 2013.

5 Furthermore, the Department of Defence, which has a strong presence in Hawai’i, has set forward ‘Net-Zero’ energy security goals that involve the island-based production of renewable energy for the military.

6 Sceptics of Big Wind opposition on Molokai have labelled the WMA’s concerns a NIMBY (‘not in my backyard’) attitude stemming from concern over decreased property values.