ABSTRACT
Questioning ‘Dalit Muslims’ as an authentic social group, the authors enumerate the challenges inherent in presupposing that clearly delineated social groups exist and challenge the efficacy of designating such groups as discernible and cohesive. An interdisciplinary critique that draws on history, religion and social sciences, reveals a pervasive, yet ambiguous, group consciousness shaped by two prevalent discourses: social stratification among Muslims in India; and emerging activist platforms claiming to represent a Dalit Muslim polity. The ways in which ‘Dalit Muslims’ are reified as a presumably singular social group are highlighted (and disputed) in order to further scholarly debate regarding dynamics of group formation and definition. The analysis shows that, given similar social, economic and political experiences of some segments of the population, ‘Dalit Muslims’ may be treated (cautiously) as a social category for purposes of discussion. Nevertheless, despite enduring discourses about social hierarchy and socio-political activism, and a generalized have-nots versus elite rhetoric that underlies assertions of community coherence and demands for amelioration, no established, homogeneous group appropriate for either scholarly investigation or policy planning can be identified. Rather, diversity, status ambiguity and ongoing change processes provide the most cogent characterization of Dalit Muslim communities in India today.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes
1 Widespread acceptance of ‘Dalit Muslims' as a singular social group is evident at political, social and international levels. For instance, see YouTube videos entitled: (1) Asaduddin Owaisi's Excellent Representation of Dalit Muslims & Dalit Christians in Parliament; (2) 24 Hours: Dalit Muslims, an invisible minority; (3) Al Jazeera World – Dalit Muslims of India (YouTube URLs in References).
2 From Sanskrit, varna (literally, colour) is a social unit based on birth; sometimes used synonymously with caste. Four varnas, in hierarchical order, are mentioned in the Hindu scriptures: Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Shudra. Dalit people (also known as ‘untouchables’) although theoretically outside of the caste system live within the larger ambit of Hindu society, occupying the lowest social status (cf. Klostermaier, Citation1989).
3 Referents to SC, ST and OBC lists form part of the Constitution not as expressions of support (or approval) of socio-religious hierarchies but as grounds for special treatment of disadvantaged communities whose hereditary (occupation) titles identify them as groups with low social and economic standing.
4 For details and procedures, see Government of India's Backward Classes Welfare Department site: www.castecertificatewb.gov.in
5 This was not the case in the past.
6 Other ways of categorizing the Muslim population include the Government of India sponsored Sachar Report (2006, p. 192) that claims:
present day Muslim society is divided into four major groups (i) the ashrafs, who trace their origins to foreign lands, (ii) the upper caste Hindus who converted to Islam, (iii) the middle caste converts whose occupations are ritually clean, (iv) the converts from the erstwhile Untouchable castes.
7 This older but still relevant volume captures this position most effectively using sociological studies of specific Muslim communities throughout India.
8 Processes of conversion to Islam where Islamist social and political systems are accepted by societies with substantially different social and political backgrounds.
9 An older but much cited volume.
10 A process whereby people of lower Hindu castes adopt upper caste practices and beliefs to acquire higher status (Srinivas, Citation1966)
11 The reverse of Sanskritization where social groups project themselves as ‘backward’ in order to accrue benefits of reservation and political mobilization, also known as asparashyeekaran or ‘dalitization’ (Lal, Citation1995).
12 An observation that echoes Brubaker’s (Citation2006) argument regarding the variable and contingent nature of ‘groupness'.
13 Also known as Marginalized Muslim Front, a social reform organization founded by Ali Anwar, an OBC Muslim.
14 Case studies in Ahmad (Citation1973) and Ahmed (Citation2011) reveal similar complexities in the social, economic and political lives of Dalit Muslims. This intriguing area of investigation deserves additional attention from social science researchers.