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ABSTRACT
Ethnic minority communities have been utilizing various forms of media for the struggle for rights and recognition for ethnic minorities and migrants, aiming to subvert mainstream discourses, and engage in creative tactics and strategies to struggle for equal rights, opportunities, supportive public opinion and inclusive policy-making/policy change. Whilst social media has become the major platform for ethnic minorities to express these struggles, there has been growing concerns on the role of (radio) broadcasting as a better/more effective channel for ethnic ‘activism’. This article aims to unravel the divergent narrativity and politics of ‘minority recognition’ in the broadcasting space: How have the technological and institutional features of public service broadcasting enabled minority mediated belonging. At the same time, has this also hampered their chances of being heard? Through sample surveys, textual analysis as well as focused interviews, the article hopes to articulate the nuanced strategic and diverse ‘regimes’ of minority recognition by way of discussing the role of broadcasting as a space of (mediated) belonging. I also hope to contribute to the debates about the intricate bordering and politics of affective listening, in the case of public service broadcasting, and particularly in an ethnoscape such as Hong Kong
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 The primary mission of public broadcasting is that of public service, speaking to and engaging as a citizen. The British model has been widely accepted as a universal definition. The model embodies the following principles: Universal geographic accessibility, Universal appeal, Attention to minorities, Contribution to national identity and sense of community, Distance from vested interests, Direct funding and universality of payment, Competition in good programming rather than numbers, and Guidelines that liberate rather than restrict. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_broadcasting, accessed on May 31, 2019.
2 In China, any form of media diversity would have to conform to the priority of social stability and loyalty to the state and nation. ‘Given the failure of coercive information control to reconcile ethnic conflicts or palliate social grievances, the media is increasingly seen as an instrument of social modulation’ (Chin, p. 905).
3 Law & Lee discussed the ‘embeddedness’ of South Asians’ settlement because of the ‘macro-historical processes’ of colonial governance, industrialization and globalization (Law & Lee, Citation2013, p. 989). Years of stress on economic development has drawn international migratory, monetary and cultural flows, so much so that Hong Kong has been deemed a highly cosmopolitan entity (White, Citation1973).
4 Ethnic Minorities in Hong Kong, Results, Population By-Census of Hong Kong, 2016 https://www.bycensus2016.gov.hk/en/Snapshot-10.html
5 The burgeoning film industry in the 1950s and 60s saw a growth in local film production, with some film producers (who themselves had migrated from Shanghai to escape Communist rule) producing films that stressed ‘collective solidarity’ (one for all, and all for one another). Issues of ethnic difference among the Chinese immigrants from various parts of China were diluted in favour of the then (colonial) government’s ‘modernization/ development’ discourse, as it sought to turn Hong Kong into an international trade/ manufacturing’ centre.
6 One of RTHK’s code of practice states: ‘To serve a broad spectrum of audiences and cater to the needs of minority interest groups’. Please refer to the mission statement on RTHK website: https://www.rthk.hk/aboutus
7 For a brief overview of the history of TV industry in Hong Kong, please refer to Aitken and Ingham (Citation2014), p.110–120.
8 Hong Kong has had two free-to-air terrestrial broadcasters since 1979, when one commercial broadcaster, Commercial TV, went defunct. When ATV (Asia Television), one of the 2 Free to air TV station, closed down in 2016 (when its license was not renewed), Hong Kong was left with only Television Broadcasting Limited (TVB) running as the sole commercial TV station. 3 other TV stations been have been issued free-to-air TV license in 2017 (Pheonix TV), but one later returned the license.
9 The original idea of the British colonial arm in Hong Kong to set up RTHK was to develop radio programmes (and later TV) to provide service to the public, but more importantly to enhance Britain’s legit as colonizer to the colonized subjects. In fact, the notion of ‘public service broadcasting’ was designed to veil its colonialist function of producing propaganda for the British government.
10 As estimated 80% of documentaries on ethnic minority issues are RTHK productions. Apart from focusing on the problems and struggles they face, others feature individual life stories to help the general audience gain more understanding of Hong Kong from an ethnic minority perspective.
11 Other themes include education, art and culture, social service, politics and current affairs, economics and finance, community affairs, health, environment, religion, philosophy and technology.
12 Please refer to CIBS Handbook, p.18, downloadable from CIBS website, https://cibs.rthk.hk/upload_docs/local/rule_doc/5e969f2c8ff53_zh.pdf
13 The unit of applicants has to be groups (an organization, company, or NGO), according to CIBS regulations.
14 The reason for selecting those seasons is that they are the only ones available on the online archive of RTHK.
15 Research has generally found that South Asian women in Hong Kong generally have lower educational opportunities of South Asian women in Hong Kong are generally lower than those of men (see Zubin Foundation website: https://www.zubinfoundation.org/womengirls). They also face more serious linguistic barriers than male counterparts, and thus problems when seeking medical care, social service and assistance. Other research attributes the problems to embedded cultural values and religion on the ‘oppression’ against South Asian women (Ruan & Li, Citation2010).