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Abstract
This article explores Genoese trade interests in Cadiz and Lisbon, the two capitals of Iberian colonial trade at the end of the early-modern period. The author aims to explain the persisting intermediary role of a merchant community that has been largely overlooked by historians. The structure of the trade networks established in the two cities will be reconstructed by using the primary sources conserved in the archive of the Durazzos, a powerful aristocratic family of the Republic which has left a unique collection of private correspondence. This sizeable and largely unexplored documentation illuminates the different strategies used to access the Spanish and Portuguese monopolistic systems, the main actors who traded in both contexts, their relations with the local elite, and the nature of the business networks linking Genoese investors in the mother city with the expatriated agents. The author concludes with a comparative analysis of the institutional resources that Genoese used to maintain their interests, with particular attention paid to the religious institutions established by the ‘nation’ in the two port cities.
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Alan Gallay for the text revision.
Notes
1. Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese; Verlinden, “Italian Influence in Iberian colonization;” Pistarino, “Presenze ed influenze italiane;” González Jiménez, “Genoveses en Sevilla (siglos XII–XV).”
2. Otte, “Il ruolo dei genovesi;” Pike, Enterprise and Adventure; Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros; Ruiz Martín, “Las finanzas españolas;” Ruiz Martín, “Los hombres de negocios genoveses;” Sanz Ayán, Los banqueros de Carlos II; Sanz Ayán, “Presencia y fortuna.”
3. Ruiz Martín, Las finanzas de la monarquía hispánica; Sanz Ayán, “El crédito de la Corona;” Felloni, Investimenti finanziari genovesi.
4. Rahn Phillips, “Europe and the Atlantic,” 268.
5. On the transformation in the mechanisms of social promotion which occurred between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, see Munck, Seventeenth-Century Europe, 80–110, 158–75.
6. Niephaus, Genua Seehandel; Bulferetti and Costantini, Industria e Commercio, 164–5.
7. For an overview, see Bartolomei, “Identidad e integración;” and Bartolomei, “Les relations entre les négociants français de Cadix et le pouvoir.”
8. Fisher, “Lisbon, its English Merchant Community.” See also Christelow, “Great Britain and the Trades from Cadiz and Lisbon;” Shaw, The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance; Sideri, Comércio y poder.
9. Bulferetti and Costantini, Industria e commercio, 164–5.
10. Heers, “Portugais et Génois au XVe siècle;” Peragallo, Cenni intorno alla colonia italiana; Gioffré, “Documenti sulle relazioni fra Genova e Portogallo;” Rau, “Uma familia de mercadores italianos;” Freire Costa, “Genoveses na rota do açucar;” and Alessandrini, “La presenza genovese a Lisbona.” As for the Genoese presence in Cadiz, see Sancho de Sopranis, Los Genoveses en Cádiz; Sancho de Sopranis, “Los genoveses en la región gaditano-xericiense;” Sancho de Sopranis, “Las naciones extranjeras;” and Martín Gutiérrez, “Nuevos datos sobre la población.”
11. Women and children were 405 and 1952 respectively, Estado de los Extranjeros que hay en Cádiz, 29 Aug. 1791, Consulados, leg. 91, AGI.
12. Molina, “L’emigrazione Ligure.”
13. Fisher, “Lisbon as a Port Town,” 725.
14. Anselmo Perelli, 6 Sep. 1780, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia, 695, Lisbona, ASVE. I wish to thank Benoit Maréchaux for suggesting this document to me.
15. Herzog, Defining Nations; Herrero Sánchez, “Foreign Communities.” See also the essays collected in García-Baquero González, “Los extranjeros.”
16. Domínguez Ortiz, “La concesión de naturaleza;” García-Baquero González, “Los extranjeros;” García-Mauriño Mundi, La pugna.
17. For an overview, see Freire Costa, Lains, and Münch Miranda, História Económica de Portugal, 264–76.
18. Freire Costa and Rocha, “Merchant Networks and Brazilian Gold;” Boxer, “Brazilian Gold and British Traders,” 151.
19. Pedreira, “Os negociantes de Lisboa,” 413.
20. Pedreira, “Os homens de négocio.”
21. Brilli, “Importancia de hacerse español.”
22. Pedreira, “Os negociantes de Lisboa,” 423–25.
23. In this study the network concept is used in a rather broad sense. The fragmentary nature of the existing documentation impedes reconstructing precisely the entire web of Genoese agents involved in the distribution chain between the main Iberian Atlantic ports and the Republic, but it allows us to illuminate the business relations established among some individuals – mostly prominent figures – who traded on these routes. For a thorough methodological analysis on the study of social networks, see Thompson, Between Hierarchies & Markets; and Caracausi and Jeggle, Commercial Networks. For a discussion and an overview of the literature about merchant networks in the Spanish Atlantic Trade, see Grafe, “Spatial Nature.”
24. Oliva Melgar, Monopolio de las Indias; Grafe, "Polycentric States."
25. Antunes, “Free Agents.”
26. North and Thomas, Rise of Western World; and North, Institutions, Institutional Change. For an overview of the existing literature on this topic, see Nunn, “Importance of History.” For a recent interpretation on the role of institutions in the growth of European trade, see Gelderblom, Cities of Commerce.
27. Ogilvie, Institutions and European Trade.
28. Grafe and Gelderblom, “Rise and Fall.”
29. Grafe, “Spatial Nature.”
30. The archive conserves thousands of letters coming from a wide array of destinations in Italy and in the rest of Europe.
31. Panizza, “L’Azienda Durazzo.”
32. Stefano Mosti e figlio a Marcello Durazzo, 6 March 1767, 21 Nov. 1769, 12 Jan. 1770, and 26 Oct. 1770, Cadice, 143, Durazzo family papers, ADGG; Antonio Joseph Mosti a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 6 Sep. 1776 and 4 June 1779, Cadice, 294 Durazzo family papers, ADGG; Antonio Joseph Mosti a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 7 May 1779, Cadice, 296, Durazzo family papers, ADGG; Antonio Joseph Mosti a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 31 May 1781, Cadice, 297, Durazzo family papers, ADGG; Antonio Joseph Mosti a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 27 Feb. and 27 July 1784 Cadice, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG. On the Ustáriz family and their agents in Buenos Aires, see Ruiz Rivera, “Rasgos de modernidad”; and Garavaglia, Economía, Sociedad y Regiones, 76, 89 (note 18), 103.
33. Stefano Mosti e figlio a Marcello Durazzo, letters from 1767 to 1770. Cadice, 143, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
34. Antonio Joseph Mosti a Marcello Durazzo, 5 July 1771, Cadice, 144, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
35. Letters between the Mosti and the Durazzo families, 143 (years from 1767 to 1770), 144 (1771–5), 291 (1764–5), 292 (1766–70), 293 (1771–2), 294 (1775–7), 295 (1778–9), 296 (1779), 297 (1781–2), 299 (1784–5), 302 (1788–90), 303 (1790–3), 304 (1794–5), 306 (1800–3), Cadice, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
36. Prasca Arboré a Jacques Philippe Durazzo, 17 Dec. 1776, 294, Cadice, Durazzo family papers, ADGG; letters between the Count of Prasca and the Durazzo family, 295 (years 1778–9), 303 (1790–3), 304 (1794–5), Cadice, Durazzo family papers, ADGG. For more details about the Prasca family, see Brilli, “Importancia de hacerse español,” 237–8.
37. In a 1770 fiscal census of Cadiz, all the subjects mentioned herein appear as the wealthiest Italian businessmen of the port, Ruiz Rivera, El Consulado de Cádiz, 66–73.
38. Libro 445, and Leg. 891, Consulados, AGI.
39. Testamento de Thomas Micón y Cambiaso, Marqués de Méritos, 18 Oct. 1769, Not. Cádiz, 4507, AHPC. The close collaboration between the Micones and the Cambiasos in Cadiz emerge in two letters in which Francesco Emmanuele Micone (José María Cambiaso’s uncle) informed Durazzo about the state of insolvency of Barnaba de Frías, of which Francesco was liquidator and representative of the nephew’s credits, Francesco Emmanuele Micone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 12 June and 31 July 1792, Cadice, 303, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
40. Trivellato, Familiarity of Strangers, 209–10, 218; Brilli, “Il Río de la Plata,” 938.
41. Franco Cambiaso a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 1 Sep. 1779 Cadice, 296, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
42. Giuseppe Maria Cambiaso a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 7 Dec. 1784, 31 May 1785, 14 June 1785, 2 Aug. 1785, and 6 Sep. 1785, Cadice, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG. The paper Durazzo sent to Cambiaso was too expensive to be profitably sold in Cadiz or in America and equally difficult was to find purchasers for the cow hides in Genoa due to an excessive supply of that product.
43. Libro 447, Consulados, AGI; Testamento de Joseph Sigori, 25 April 1782, Not. Cádiz, 394, AHPC.
44. Giuseppe Sigori e Figli a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 8 Oct. and 5 Nov. 1784, 21 January, 21 May, and 25 Sep. 1785, Cadice, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
45. Torres Ramírez, La Compañía Gaditana de Negros.
46. The creation of privileged companies for trade in America was part of a strategy through which the Bourbons attempted to deal with the threat of competing naval powers in transatlantic exchanges, but the new policy did not impede the most prosperous foreigners, especially those who were deeply integrated in the Spanish merchant elite, to participate in the venture with their capital and expertise. On the role of privileged companies in eighteenth-century Spanish Atlantic trade, see Rodríguez García, Compañías privilegiadas; and Walker, Spanish Politics. On the Genoese participation in the Spanish slave trade, see, Brilli, “Genoveses en el comercio.”
47. Letters between the Enrile and the Durazzo families, 291 (years 1764–5), 292 (1766–70), 143 (1767–70), 293 (1771–2), Cadice, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
48. José María Enrile a Marcello Durazzo, 17 Aug. 1770, Cadice, 143, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
49. Antonio Joseph Mosty a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 20 Oct. 1772, Cadice, 144, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
50. Estratto della lettera dal Spagnolo in Italiano scritto al Sig. Joseph Antonio Mosti il Sig. Giuseppe Maria Enrile in cui si espone in che termini ..., Antonio Joseph Mosty a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 20 Oct. 1772, Cadice, 144, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
51. For a discussion and analysis on the role of guilds in the distribution of commercial information, see Ogilvie, Merchant Guilds, 344–90.
52. Gelderblom, Cities of Commerce; Lamikiz, Trade and Trust, 43–5.
53. As for the limits of merchant courts in securing property rights of foreigners, see Trivellato, “A Republic of Merchants?,” 142–3.
54. Letters from Giovanni Battista Ravara to the Durazzo family, 128 (years 1726–8), Lisbona, Durazzo family papers, ADGG. On the Ravara family, see Trivellato, “Merchants’ Letters,” 100–1.
55. Letter from the Tealdo Crosa brothers to the Durazzo family, 143 and 144, Lisbona, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
56. Brilli, “Nación genovesa.”
57. The deal proposed by Durazzo consisted in a shipment of wheat from Puglia to Lisbon by charging only 4% interest, Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 28 May 1784, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
58. Pietro Garibaldi’s activity in Genoa is attested since at least 1786; shop owner Giovanni Niccolò Garibaldi, probably a relative of Pietro, appears in a city register of 1762, Niephaus, Genua Seehandel, 419, 424. In 1793, a contemporary observer mentions the trade houses of Gio. Garibaldi, Pietro’s son (who was a money-exchange broker), and that of Giacomo Niccolò Garibaldi, (who mainly traded cotton, coffee and cochineal); Metrà, Il mentore perfetto de’ negozianti, t. III, 410.
59. Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 20 Jan. 1784, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
60. Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 28 May 1784, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
61. In particular, Giuseppe Murta was in business with his nephew and with Pietro Garibaldi in Genoa (to whom he mainly shipped tobacco and cotton), while Canale traded with his brother-in-law, Bernardo Canale; ibid.
62. Quintela inherited the activity from his uncle, Ignácio Pedro Quintela, who was member of both Brazil companies and of the Junta do Comercio and, among other privileges, contractor for the collection of the tithe in Bahia; Maxwell, Pombal, Paradox of the Enlightenment, 74–5.
63. For more details, see Pedreira, “Os homens de négocio,” 123, 170–1.
64. In 1801, his capital amounted to 424 millions reis. Considering that a Lisbon merchant of that time was able to accumulate from six to 65 (20 on the average) millions reis in his career, the incomparably greater patrimony of Quintela made him a veritable magnate, Pedreira, “Os negociantes de Lisboa,” 422.
65. Pedreira, “Os homens de négocio,” 165, 178, 185, 189, 229–30.
66. The son of Paulo Jorge, João Roque, had regular financial relations with Niccolò Ignazio Pallavicini, while Quintela was in business with Francisco Vallarino Rossi, Francisco Bacigalupo, Giovanni Merello and Giuseppe Carbone; Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 28 May 1784, 21 June 1785, and 26 July 1785, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG; Joaquim Pedro Quintella a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 7 June 1785, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG. Merello and Carbone, owners of a shop for the sale of silk textiles in Genoa, were also prominent brokers for the collection of international loans in the mother city: between 1764 and 1792, they collected 30 loans for a total value of 34 million lire. Filippo Carbone, possibly a relative of Giuseppe, traded Brazilian tobacco in Genoa; Metrà, Il mentore perfetto de’ negozianti, t. III, 410–11; Felloni, Investimenti finanziari genovesi, 407.
67. Gramoza, Sucessos de Portugal, 130.
68. Feo Cardoso and de Castro Pereira, Resenha das familias, 226.
69. Pedreira, “Os negociantes de Lisboa,” 435; Idem,“Os homens de négocio,” 235–6; Maxwell, Pombal, Paradox of the Enlightenment, 74–5; Maxwell, Conflicts and Conspiracies, 48; Da Rocha Gomes, “Accounting in Central Government,” 23–4.
70. Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 28 May 1784, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
71. Baudi di Vesme, “Le relazioni del Portogallo con Genova,” 404.
72. Torres Sánchez, “The Failure of the Spanish Crown’s Tobacco Tax Monopoly,” 11.
73. Metrà, Il Mentore de’ Negozianti, t. II, 358.
74. Maxwell, Pombal, Paradox of the Enlightenment, 74–5.
75. Margiocchi organised regular shipping to and from Genoa, where he was in business with his brother and another associate, Matteo Campantico; Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 28 May 1784, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.The Company Bandeira Bacigalupo, which included a not better identified Connolly, also traded with the port of Livorno; Acção cível de embargo à primeira em que são autores Bandeira Bacigalupo e Connolly e réus Lázaro Pitaluga Alizeri e Companhia, 1762, Conservatória da Companhia Geral de Pernambuco e Paraíba, mç. 5, n.º 19, cx. 7, Feitos Findos, ANTT.
76. De Andrade Arruda, “Colonies as Mercantile Investments,” 390–3.
77. Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo,? 1785, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
78. Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 28 May 1784, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
79. Ibid.
80. Initially, he put Durazzo in contact with Vincenzo Mazziotti, the Neapolitan Consul in Lisbon, who shipped him some batches of sugar and cotton. This collaboration, however, did not last because, according to Maziotti, Durazzo sold the batches at a too low price with the excuse of their bad quality, Vincenzo Mazziotti a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 28 Sep. 1784, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
81. When Durazzo got bored of receiving such a treatment and refused a batch of bad-quality tobacco, Murta interrupted any correspondence with him. Despite the intervention of Salomone, who advised Durazzo to apologise to Murta and to make more efforts to ‘meet the favour of the friends,’ the two merchants’ mutual distrust persisted and impeded them to keep collaborating, Giuseppe Murta a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 19 July 1785, and Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 19 July 1785, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
82. Giuseppe Salomone a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 21 June, 26 July, and 4 Oct. 1785. Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
83. Francisco Manuel Miz a Giacomo Filippo Durazzo, 29 Sep. 1785, Lisbona, 299, Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
84. Letters to Lisbon, 302 (years 1789–90) and 303 (1790–3), Durazzo family papers, ADGG.
85. Giacchero, Storia economica del Settecento genovese, 110–22.
86. Brilli, “Administrando la debilidad;” Idem, “Nación genovesa.”
87. The emergence of consuls as public functionaries of the state, with a fixed salary and precise institutional responsibilities, is the result of a process that started in the middle of the eighteenth century but, in most countries, reached a full accomplishment only in the following century. For an updated bibliography about the consular service during the early-modern period, and an analysis of its evolution, see Aglietti, L’istituto consolare; Marzagalli, Ghazali, and Windler, Consuls en Méditerranée; Aglietti, Herrero, and Zamora, Los cónsules de extranjeros.
88. See, for example, the case of the influential French community in eighteenth-century Cadiz (Bartolomei, “Identidad e integración”), and the central intermediary role played by the consuls of the much less consistent Scandinavian expatriate communities (Müller and Ojala, “Consular Services;” Pourchasse, “Dynamism and Integration”).
89. Aglietti, L’istituto consolare, 17–19, 219–21, 238–9. On the difference between missi and electi consuls (the former appointed and paid by their governments to carry out a specific mission, and the latter elected by the community of expatriated merchants to serve their interests), see Bartolomei, “Utilidad commercial.”
90. Aglietti, L’istituto consolare, 51.
91. Dauverd, Imperial Ambition; Studnicki-Gizbert, A Nation Upon the Ocean Sea, 56–9; Crespo Solana, “Trusteeship and Cooperation.” On the case of seventeenth-century Seville, see Moret, Aspects de la société, 55–6. For a more general overview, see Flynn, Sacred Charity. See also Rivero Rodríguez, “Hospital de los italianos.” The same applies to many other merchant communities in different times and places, such as, for example, the English in fifteenth-century Bruges (Thielemans, Bourgogne et Anglaterre, 261–2, 270), Hamburg merchants in Amsterdam during the fifteenth century (Smit, De Opkomst, 184–5), the Greeks in early-modern Venice and Ukraine (Fusaro, “Coping with Transition,” 99; Carras, “Community for Commerce”), the Armenians in eighteenth-century India (Chaudhury, “Trading Networks,” 66–7), and the German merchants in eighteenth-century London (Schulte Beerbühl, Forgotten Majority, 40).
92. De la Concepción, El emporio del orbe, 570–1.
93. Sánchez Herrero, Cádiz: La ciudad medieval, 141–6; see also Ladero Quesada, “Unas cuentas en Cádiz,” 95–7.
94. Ravina Martín, “Mármoles Genoveses.”
95. Antón Solé, “La Catedral Vieja;” Molina, “L’emigrazione Ligure a Cadice,” 300.
96. Domínguez Ortiz, Orto y ocaso de Sevilla, 131–52; Bustos Rodríguez, Cádiz en el sistema atlántico, 50.
97. Bustos Rodríguez, “Población, sociedad y desarrollo urbano,” 83. See also Ravina Martín, “Un padrón de Contribuyentes.”
98. For more details, see Brilli, “Administrando la debilidad.”
99. Poder para testar Jacome Phelipe Crossa a Juan Nicolás Crossa, 4 July 1724, ff. 472-474, Not. Cádiz 4453, AHPC.
100. Brilli, “Importancia de hacerse español.”
101. Pulido, “Procesos de integración;” O’Flanagan, Port Cities, 103;
102. See, for example, the cases of Greeks in Austria and of the German merchants in London during the eighteenth century, Katsiardi-Hering, “Greek Merchant Colonies,” 135; Schulte Beerbühl, Forgotten Majority.
103. Bartolomei, “Identidad e integración;” Bartolomei, “La naturalización.”
104. Brilli, “Nación genovesa.”
105. Alessandrini, “A alma italiana no coração de Lisboa.”
106. Both episodes are mentioned in Trivellato, Familiarity of Strangers, 217, 359 (note 142).
107. Dom Joze por graça de Deos …, Lisboa, 22 Nov. 1775, Notai Antichi, 14015, ASG.
108. Don Giuseppe per Grazia di Dio Re di Portogallo e delli Algarvi, Lisbona, 28 February 1877, Notai Antichi, 14015, ASG; Paolo Mauritiis scrittore delle bolle di questa Nunciatura di Lisbona, Lisbona, 23 March 1778, Notai Antichi, 14015, ASG.
109. The initiative was taken by Giuseppe Fontana, Natale Gilardi, Gio Batta Galleano, Niccolo Tealdo, Francesco Maria Rossi, Sebastiano Alizeri, Giuseppe Galli, Niccolò Maria Gnecco, Bernardo Andrea Durante, Giovanni Stefano Turpia, Antonio Galli, Angelo Luigi Rossi, Giacomo Tealdo, Gaetano Salvo, Francesco Maria Avenente, Emmanuele Chiappe, Alessandro Antonio Bono, and Geronimo Selaico, Saibais quantos este instrumento de procuração … Lisboa, 2 June 1778, and Franciscus Xaveriis Pallani, Antecedencia sub signo 77, Genova, 14 Aug. 1778, Notai Antichi, 14015, ASG. The Genoese brokers were Giovanni Merello and Giuseppe Carbone, see note 66.
110. In Nomine Domini Amen, DD. Jones Merellus et Joseph Carbone uti Procuratores Administratorum Ecclesiae et Confraternitatis Beatae Mariae Virginis de Loreto, Genova, 5 October 1778, Notai Antichi, 14015, ASG. Michelangelo was member and supremo sindacatore of the Giunta di Commercio in Genoa and he was elected Doge in 1791. He married the daughter of his uncle, Giovanni Battista Cambiaso, who was Doge in 1771, protettore of the Banco di San Giorgio and owner of a prosperous trade house in the Republic; Piastra, Dizionario Biografico dei Liguri, 419–20, 425–6.
111. Di Gerbaix di Sonnaz, “Relazioni fra i reali di Savoia ed i Reali di Portogallo,” 197.
112. The useless attempts to eliminate the contraband under the Venetian flag in Lisbon and the frequent episodes of insubordination among the Venetian sailors led Anselmo Perelli to resign from the consular office in 1782, Marchesi, “Le relazioni tra la Repubblica Veneta ed il Porlogallo,” 5–30. See also Pietro Badano, Lisbona, 24 Nov. 1778, Lettere Consoli, Portogallo, mazzo 1, 2659, Archivio Segreto, ASG.
113. Anselmo Perelli, 6 Sep. 1780, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia, 695, Lisbona, ASVE.
114. Anselmo Perelli, 5 and 6 Sep. 1780, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia, 695, Lisbona, ASVE.
115. De Castro, Mappa de Portugal Antigo, e Moderno, 72.
116. Anselmo Perelli, 6 Sep. 1780, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia, 695, Lisbona, ASVE.
117. Slessarev, “Ecclesiae Mercatorum.”
118. Saccardo, Congo e Angola, 253.
119. Anselmo Perelli, 6 Sep. 1780, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia, 695, Lisbona, ASVE.
120. Pietro Badano, Lisbona, 14 July 1778, 2 and 9 Feb. 1779, 8 June and 10 Aug. 1779, 21 and 23 May 1780, 13 June 1780, 20 Feb. and 13 March 1781, Lettere Consoli, Portogallo, mazzo 1, 2659, Archivio Segreto, ASG.
121. Saccardo, Congo e Angola, 256.
122. Fisher, “Lisbon as a Port Town,” 727.
123. This and the preceding quotations are from Anselmo Perelli, 5 Oct. 1780, Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia, 695, Lisbona, ASVE.
124. Trivellato, Familiarity of Strangers, 1, 181; Lamikiz, Trade and Trust, 150–1.
125. In 1764, Cadiz was the home of 49 Genoese wholesalers AMC, 5871. The merchants who accessed the Consulado de Cargadores a Indias as naturalised subjects or as Spanish-born sons of Genoese immigrants in the eighteenth century (particularly from 1742) were 116, Brilli, “Importancia de hacerse español,” 229–30. As for Lisbon, the Genoese merchant elite comprised at least 18 wholesalers in 1778, see note 109.
126. Trivellato, Familiarity of Strangers.