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Abstract
More than three decades of international best practice and a rich body of scholarship demonstrate that women's policy machinery (WPM) is a crucial tool for promoting feminist policymaking. A new and unstudied form of WPM is emerging at the sub-national level. In this paper, we examine the effects of (1) regional leftist party governance and (2) sub-state durability on feminist policymaking. We employ Stetson and Mazur's model of effective, feminist WPM and operationalize policy Influence and Access provided to feminist groups. Drawing on four regional cases within Spain and Poland, we use field research, interviews, and party documents to examine whether regional leftist party governance and federalized state structure are associated with WPM ‘Leaders’ in feminist policymaking. We find that regional leftist governance is associated with WPMs that offer feminist policy and empower feminist groups; however, sub-state durability modifies the impact of party governance. We conclude with suggestions for further research.
Notes
Rai, Shirin, ed., Mainstreaming Gender, 34.
See Lovenduski, Feminizing Politics; Mazur, Theorizing Feminist Policy; Stetson, Abortion Politics; Stetson and Mazur, Comparative State Feminism; Stetson and Mazur, ‘Women's Movements and the State’, 597–623; Weldon, ‘Beyond Bodies’, 1153–74.
Stetson and Mazur, Comparative State Feminism, 3.
Rai, Mainstreaming Gender, 1.
Weldon, ‘Beyond Bodies’, 1153.
Litvack and Seddon, Decentralization Briefing Notes; on economic motivations for decentralization see Tiebout, ‘Pure Theory of Local Expenditures’, 416–24.
See Schmitter, ‘Contemporary Democratization’, 222–37; Waylen, Engendering Transitions.
See Macauley, Gender Politics in Brazil and Chile.
Though the definition of ‘feminist’ is contested in the literature, in line with scholars Beckwith and Tolleson-Rinehart, we describe societal groups or policies as feminist if they (1) further equality between men and women and (2) have the potential to confront patriarchy in women's lives. See Beckwith, ‘Beyond Compare’?, 431; Tolleson-Rinehart, Gender Consciousness in Politics. Groups which meet these two conditions, we describe as feminist groups, even if they eschew the term themselves. Policies which meet these two conditions, we describe as feminist policies, even if not all societal groups agree that the policy outputs are feminist, or agree that the ultimate outcomes for women in society are feminist (see Weldon, Beyond Bodies, on the difference between policy outputs and outcomes).
Similar to Stetson and Mazur in Comparative State Feminism, 274, we specifically examine the effects of state feminism on feminist groups, although we note where decentralization of WPMs also expands the access of non-feminist women's groups to the state.
Ibid.; Waylen, Engendering Transitions; Caul Kittilson, ‘Political Parties’, 1214–29.
Although readers may note the importance of institutionalization of women's policy agencies, we view federalism as causally prior to institutionalization. Federalism allows for regional self-rule. See Watts, Comparing Federal Systems.
Almond et al., European Politics Today, 271–2, 371–3.
With regards to case selection, a comparable case, same-time comparison with either Spain or Poland is not possible. We are interested in cases where decentralization soon follows democratization. Portugal democratized at the same time as Spain, but is unitary in all respects except for the island regions, which create other control issues. Italy's decentralization occurred long after its democratization. Likewise, we could not compare Poland with another Eastern Central European country democratizing in 1990, as no other country save Poland underwent similar decentralization. Since no same-time comparison is possible, Spain and Poland represent the best available comparison among Catholic democratizing EU states.
See Valiente, ‘Developing Countries’, 530–41.
See Lijphart, ‘Comparative Politics’, 682–93.
See Elazar, Exploring Federalism; Bukowski, Piatonni, and Smryl, Between Europeanization.
The Women's Bureau of the US Labor Department was the first national WPM; the first state-level commission was established in Michigan. See Stetson and Mazur, Comparative State Feminism; Parry, ‘Women's Policy Agencies’.
Lycklama, Vargas, and Weiringa, Women's Movement and Public Policy.
Eisenstein, Inside Agitators.
Mazur, Theorizing Feminist Policy.
Weldon, ‘Beyond Bodies’; True, ‘Mainstreaming Gender’, 368; Stetson and Mazur, Comparative State Feminism; Mazur, Theorizing Feminist Policy.
Rincker, Women's Access to the Decentralized State; Neylan and Tucker, ‘Women in Local Government’; Darcy, Welch, and Clark, Women, Elections and Representation.
Banaszak, Beckwith and Rucht, Women's Movements.
Ibid., 22.
Stetson, Abortion Politics.
Outshoorn and Kantola, Changing State Feminism, 367.
Ortbals, Embedded Institutions.
Vengroff, Nyiri, and Fugiero, ‘Electoral System and Gender Representation’, 163–73.
Rincker, ‘Masculinized or Marginalized’.
Ohene-Konadu, ‘Gender Analysis’; Beall, ‘Decentralizing Government’, 253–76; Bryld, ‘Increasing Participation’, 149–72; Budianta, ‘Decentralizing Engagement’, 916–39; Luciak, ‘Party and State in Cuba’, 241–63.
Litvack and Seddon, Decentralization Briefing Notes.
Stetson and Mazur, Comparative State Feminism.
See note 9 above.
There are regions in this analysis that fall in between high on one dimension and low on the other dimension; we strive to identify factors contributing to the range of possible outcomes.
Within-country sub-national comparisons limit the roles of four main alternative explanations for subnational WPM effectiveness: (1) the strength of sub-national GDP, (2) sub-national women's labour force participation, (3) the strength of women's movement actors (4) and the influence of the European Union. Eurostat (2007) figures ranking European sub-national units into quintiles by sub-national Gross Domestic Product by Purchasing Power Parities per inhabitant demonstrate that all four sub-national units included in this study fall into the bottom two income quintiles in Europe. Both Spanish sub-national units are in the second quintile, and both Polish sub-national units are in the bottom quintile – and there are no Polish units (outside of the capital region) which fall into the second sub-national category. This means we are comparing regions with similar GDPs – as close as one can get in Europe. Income data is not positively associated with leader WPM status in Spain. Galicia is a richer unit (14236.7) than Andalusia (13505.2), even though Andalusia is the clear WPM leader. Ślaskie in Poland (12260.2) is richer than Małopolskie (9324.2), as well as being a moderate leader. Higher women's labour force participation is clearly not associated with more effective sub-national WPM. Women's labour force participation is much higher in Laggard Galicia (44.6%) than in leading Andalusia (33.9%). Likewise, in Poland, women's participation is greater in the Laggard area of Małopolskie (50.2%) than in the leading area of Ślaskie (40.l%). Lastly, women's movement strength is weak to moderate in both Galicia and Andalusia (see Ortbals Citation2004) and is weak in terms of the numbers of women's groups in both Ślaskie and Małopolskie. As anonymous reviewer noted, this may be expected due to lower levels of civil society in post-communist states like Poland. Still, the number of women's organizations is not a strong predictor of sub-national WPM effectiveness. Lastly, as to the effects of the European Union, both countries have about the same number of years between decentralization and EU accession (Spain decentralization 1981, accession 1986; Poland decentralization 1998, accession 2004). While the European Union effects are certainly important, they do not explain variation within countries.
See for example, Caul Kittilson, Challenging Parties; Lovenduski and Norris, Gender and Party Politics.
Stetson and Mazur, Comparative State Feminism; Stetson and Mazur ‘Women's Movements’; Stetson, Abortion Politics; Ortbals, Embedded Institutions.
Teghtsoonian and Chappell, ‘The Rise and Decline’, 29–51.
Outshoorn and Kantola, Changing State Feminism.
On Spain see Threlfall, ‘The Women's Movement in Spain,’ 44–73; and on Poland, Fuszara, ‘New Gender Relations’.
Examples of feminist policies in Poland include expanded access to abortion and laws making employer sex discrimination illegal.
This paper focuses on developing indicators of WPM Influence and Access and using the four sub-national cases to illustrate their utility, for future use in comparing WPMs at various levels of government cross-nationally. We chose in-depth examination of interview and secondary sources, precluding fuller quantitative analysis of all the regions in Spain and Poland. However, in none of the rightist sub-national units in either country do Leaders clearly emerge. All Leaders emerge as left-run regions. There are leftist regions in which Leaders do not emerge, suggesting the utility of a fuller large-n study of sub-national agencies and partisan control.
Outshoorn and Kantola, Changing State Feminism, 271–2.
See Rodden, ‘Comparative Federalism’, 481–500; Moreno, ‘Decentralization in Spain’, 399–408; Rose and Traut, Federalism and Decentralization; Watts, Comparing Federal Systems, 7.
Spain is quasi-federal because its constitution does not define it as federal and its national Senate does not provide regional representation. Though the lack of regional representation in the Senate distinguishes Spain from other federal states, it does not subtract from regional competencies regarding gender equality policy.
The main regionalist political party since the time of the transition is left-oriented, though it has not experienced much electoral success in recent years. In 2000, the party gained one seat in the national legislature, and it continues to govern a limited number of Andalusian municipalities.
From 1975–1998, there were 49 provinces in Poland. Communist Party leader Edward Gierek established 49 regions in 1975 to weaken lower levels of government vis-à-vis the national level. The reduction to 16 regions in 1998 was intended to create stronger sub-national units.
Glowacki, ‘Regionalization in Poland’.
See Valiente, ‘The Power of Persuasion’, 221–36; Valiente, ‘State Feminism’, 121–41; Valiente, ‘The Women's Movement’, 174–94; Threlfall, Cousins, and Valiente, Gendering Spanish Democracy. The Women's Institute is a department within the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales), though it has been moved a couple of times. The original goals of the institute were to study the situation of women in Spain, to inform women about their constitutional rights, and to receive complaints about discrimination against women.
Threlfall and Rowbotham, Mapping the Women's Movement, 124.
Threlfall, ‘The Women's Movement in Spain’, in Threlfall and Rowbotham, Mapping the Women's Movement, 54.
Bustelo and Ortbals, ‘The Evolution of Spanish State Feminism’.
Bustelo, La evaluación de las polìticas.
It is fragmented in that there are many kinds of groups, including feminist, businesswomen, rural women, and housewives. National meetings of feminist groups were rare during the 1990s and 2000s; see Valiente, ‘The Power of Persuasion’; Bustelo and Ortbals, ‘The Evolution of Spanish State Feminism’.
See Bustelo and Ortbals ‘The Evolution of Spanish State Feminism’.
Spain as a parliamentary system has sub-national presidents elected from sub-national parliaments. In Poland's semi-presidential system, the prime minister appoints sub-national governors. As of 2004 in Poland, Prime Minister Leszek Miller, from the leftist successor party SLD, had appointed all leftist SLD governors in Poland. All regional executives in Poland were leftist at the time of this study; the elected assemblies form the political environment in which sub-national governors work, so it is expected that regions with a leftist sub-national parliament will create an environment in which SLD governors can appoint active sub-national WPMs. Conservative sub-national parliaments are more likely to oppose active sub-national WPMs.
The IAM was transferred to the Ministry of Social Services in the early 1990s and then placed back in the Ministry of the Presidency in the late 1990s. Bustelo argues that the Ministry of the President empowers WPM because it provides access to the executive and does not imply that the WPM is to solely address the policies of a particular ministry, such as social issues via a Ministry of Social Affairs. See Bustelo, La evaluación de las polìticas.
The IAM has hosted feminist learning conferences, flamenco parties, and activities at municipal women's centres for the women's associations.
Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer, ‘Centro de Formación Feminista’.
Platero, ‘Are Lesbians Considered Women’?
Bustelo and Ortbals, ‘The Evolution of Spanish State Feminism’.
This was facilitated through the work of Gaspar Zarrías, the minister of the presidency, thus demonstrating the important positioning of the IAM in the Ministry of the Presidency.
Ortbals, Embedded Institutions.
As of this writing, the region had discussed the development of an Andalusian Council of Women (Consejo Andaluz de la Mujer).
For example, Programa Asocia networks women in associations through social events and technological means.
This study looks at Galicia until the 2005 change to leftist governance. Some evidence indicates that Galicia has changed its perspective on equality policies since the change in governance; however, extensive research on new developments has yet to be conducted.
The SGI's first equality plan included general statements about women achieving equality and increasing their participation in society. Between 1991 and 1993, the SGI studied the situation of women, held conferences, trained rural women, and helped women in situations of need.
See Servizo Galego de Igualdade, ‘Planes de Actuación’, http://www.xunta.es/auto/sgi/
Bustelo and Ortbals, ‘The Evolution of Spanish State Feminism’.
Ortbals, ‘Jumbled Women's Activism’, 359–78.
In fact, the SGI has celebrated International Women's Day with rural women's associations and is now acceptable to a broad sector of women's organizations. These signs of progress and state–society cooperation indicate that more Galician women have been brought into political realm than in years before.
See Einhorn, Cinderella Goes to Market; Funk and Mueller, Gender Politics and Post-Communism.
Robinson, ‘The Liga Kobiet in Poland’, 203–20.
The former Office of Women's Affairs was housed within the Ministry of Labour, Wages, and Social Affairs. This office was responsible for ‘political recruitment and dissemination of contraceptive information, developing child care options, protecting working women, promoting healthy pregnancies, and encouraging fathers to take a more active role in parenting’ (Robinson, ‘The Liga Kobiet in Poland’, 1995). This office was not staffed until 1991; for additional information see Matynia, ‘Provincializing Global Feminism’.
Robinson, ‘The Liga Kobiet in Poland’, 203–20.
Interview with author, Katowice, Poland, 19 April 2004.
Interview with author, Krakow, Poland, 22 April 2004.
Siemienska, ‘Gender Party Quotas in Poland’.
Interview with author, Krakow, Poland, 22 April 2004.
Koremenos, ‘Leadership and Bureaucracy’, 35–79.
Threlfall and Rowbotham, Mapping the Women's Movement, 124.
Teghtsoonian and Chappell, ‘The Rise and Decline’, 29–51.
Directorate General for Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities of the European Commission, ‘Bulletin: Legal Issues’, 46.
See Valiente, ‘The Power of Persuasion’, 221–36; Robinson, ‘The Liga Kobiet in Poland’, 203–20.