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ABSTRACT
The EU’s diffusion of its norms lie at the core of its neighbourhood policy. However, while scholars have uncovered selective patterns of EU norm adoption and application, still little is known about what shapes the resonance of EU norms in the partner countries. This question matters for the EU’s proclaimed objective of transforming its neighbours, in a region fraught with a competition of soft influences between the EU and Russia. In order to cast light on local resonance of external norms, the article delves into identification processes within the partner countries in relation to the values promoted by the EU and Russia. Focusing on an idiographic case study, it examines how the EU’s diffusion of anti-discrimination has hit home in Armenia, in a context marked by Russia’s staunch defense of “traditional values”. The research relies on semi-structured interviews and elites’ discourses, which are analysed using frame analysis. It highlights a shift from discursive rejection of the EU’s normative script to tentative discursive acceptance – at least at elite level – after the Velvet revolution. The article shows how the diffusion of external values feeds into domestic dynamics and illuminates the role of domestic elites in filtering external influences.
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No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
List of interviews
Notes
1 European Commission, “ENP Strategy paper,” 5.
2 Manners, “Normative Power Europe”.
3 Dandashly and Noutcheva, “Whose Norms”.
4 See e.g. Langbein and Börzel, “Explaining Policy Change”.
5 But see Vieira, “The European Union’s ‘potential we’”.
6 Dandashly and Noutcheva, “Whose Norms”.
7 Keuleers, Fonck and Keukeleire, “Beyond Navel-Gazing,” 350.
8 Fisher Onar and Nikolaidis, “The Decentring Agenda,” 286.
9 Bucher and Jasper, “Revisiting Identity in International Relations”.
10 Ibid., 399.
11 Since the early 2000s, the EU’s understanding of discrimination has considerably widened. In addition to discrimination based on nationality and sex, it now extends to discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation, as well as age, religion, and disability (Belavusau and Henrard EU Anti-Discrimination Law). This article focuses solely on the diffusion of anti-discrimination on the ground of sexual orientation. Throughout the text, anti-discrimination and equality are used interchangeably.
12 These values reflect conservative views of family and family roles, whereby marriage between a man and a woman is defined as a key societal institution, and in fact the sole institution upon which family can be built. Given the centrality of the concept of “family”, “the expression “family values” is sometimes interchangeable with ‘traditional values’”. Agadjanian, “Tradition, Morality and Community,” 44.
13 Foxall, “From Europa to Gayropa,” 176.
14 Manners, “Normative Power Europe”.
15 Hopf, Social Construction of International Politics, 7.
16 Manners, “Normative Power Europe”: 253.
17 Diez, “Constructing the Self and Changing Others”.
18 Morozov and Rumelili, “The external constitution of European identity,” 30.
19 Ibid., 31.
20 For instance securitization, but also the EU’s self-conception as superior and representation of its neighbours as inferior, including in normative terms Jeandesboz, “Définir le voisin”; Di Puppo, “Partner or Hotbed of Threats?”; Horký-Hlucháň and Kratochvíl, “Nothing is Imposed in this Policy!” 255.
21 Morozov and Rumelili, note 18, 31.
22 Diez, “Constructing the Self and Changing Others,” 614.
23 Vieira, “The European Union’s ‘potential we’,” 5.
24 European Commission, “ENP Strategy paper,” 5.
25 Diez, “Normative Power as Hegemony”, Horký-Hlucháň and Kratochvíl, “Nothing Is Imposed in This Policy!”, Luciani, “The EU’s hegemonic interventions”.
26 Manners, “Normative Power Europe,” 238.
27 Zimmermann, “More for Less”.
28 Manners, “Normative Power Europe,” 242.
29 European Commission, “Eastern Partnership,” 3.
30 Romanova, “Russian Challenge to the EU’s Normative Power”; Casier, “Russia and the diffusion of political norms”.
31 Luciani, “The EU’s hegemonic interventions,” 102.
32 Vieira, “The European Union’s ‘potential we’,” 2.
33 Bucher and Jasper, “Revisiting Identity in International Relations,” 392, 408.
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid., 399.
36 Ibid., 391.
37 Entman, “Media Framing Biases and Political Power,” 391.
38 Kuypers, 300.
39 Entman 1993, 157.
40 Kuypers, 300.
41 Admittedly, the Eurasian Economic Union focuses on trade and economic integration, leaving aside political and societal aspects; however, membership in this organization also paves the way for a reinforcement of Russia’s multifaceted influence over the member countries.
42 Before 2018, the president was the key political figure in Armenia. However, following a constitutional referendum organized in 2015 all major powers were transferred to the prime minister as of spring 2018. Therefore, I analyse the statements by president Sargsyan between 2015 and 2018 and those by prime minister Pashinyan afterwards.
43 The extension of the period of analysis for official statements is justified by the need to take into account the substantial political changes that took place in Armenia in spring 2018, i.e. the resignation of designated prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan following peaceful demonstrations and the rise to power of a former civic activist, Nikol Pashinyan. Unfortunately though, it was not possible to conduct fieldwork in Armenia after the Velvet revolution.
44 European Commission, “List of actions to advance LGBTI equality”.
45 Council of the EU Guidelines, 1
46 Council Conclusions on LGBTI equality, 1.
47 European Parliament resolution of 4 February 2014, A.
48 Quoted in: Council of the EU EU Annual Report, 90.
49 Council of the EU, “Guidelines,” 1.
50 Council of the EU Declaration by the High Representative 2019.
51 Ibid.
52 In the words of EU Commission for Equality Helena Dalli, following the adoption of the first EU Strategy for LGBTI equality in the EU. European Commission “Union for Equality”.
53 Kulpa, “Western Leveraged Pedagogy,” 11.
54 The EU’s human rights budget-support programme in Armenia is the only one of its kind in the EU’s external assistance programmes.
55 EEAS, “Press release 8th Human Rights Dialogue between EU and Armenia”.
56 European Commission, “Action Document for Support to Human Rights in Armenia”.
57 As part of the VLAPs granted to neighbouring countries with a view to preparing the lifting of the Schengen visa obligation for their citizens, the EU demands the adoption of a law on non-discrimination covering also discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation.
58 Kulpa, “Western Leveraged Pedagogy,” 2
59 Chaney, “Civil Society, ‘Traditional Values’ and LGBT Resistance”.
60 Romanova, “Russian Challenge to the EU’s Normative Power”.
61 Ibid, 639.
62 Wilkinson, “Putting ‘Traditional Values’ Into Practice”, 368.
63 President of Russia, “Meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club”.
64 See note 14, 185.
65 Tsygankov, “Finding a Civilizational Idea”, 377.
66 See note 14, 184.
67 Ibid., 1,
68 Roberts and Ziemer, “Explaining the pattern of Russian authoritarian diffusion in Armenia,” 160.
69 President Serzh Sargsyan’s congratulatory message.
70 Interview 1.
71 Statement by Catholicos of All Armenians Garegin II about the LGBT Christian Forum, 1 November 2018. Quoted in Minasyan LGBTI Rights and the Revolution.
72 Interview 2.
73 Interview 3.
74 However, even with a generic non-discrimination clause in the Constitution the legal framework does not protect the rights of LGBTI persons as a law prohibiting discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation is still missing.
75 The law inherited from the Soviet Union was in force until the early 2000s. Shahnazaryan et al. “Under the Rainbow Flag”.
76 Quoted in Minasyan LGBTI Rights and the Revolution.
77 JAM news “Armenian PM stands up”.
78 Ibid.
79 Vieira, “The European Union’s ‘potential we’”.
80 Oskanian Fear, Weakness and Power quoted in Vieira ibid., 10.
81 In the discourse of both political elites and interviewees, the words “EU” and “Europe” were used interchangeably.
82 President of Armenia “Statement by Serzh Sargsyan at the Third Eastern Partnership Summit”.
83 Interview 4.
84 Interview 6.
85 Interview 4.
86 Roberts and Ziemer, “Explaining the pattern of Russian authoritarian diffusion in Armenia,” 163.
87 President of Russia, Meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club.
88 Interview 7.
89 Interview 6.
90 Interview 3.
91 Quoted in Minasyan LGBTI Rights and the Revolution.
92 For instance, in August 2018 Eduard Sharmazanov, then Republican speaker of the parliament stated: “I have always said that the visible enemy, Azerbaijan and Turkey, are less dangerous than the invisible enemy – that is, an ongoing anti-national, immoral, anti-Christian propaganda which has grown thanks to various propaganda machines so that nowadays people are not surprised when they see homosexuals on the streets”. Quoted in Mejlumyan “Ahead of elections”.
93 Quoted in: RFE/RL “UN, EU Express Concerns About Threats Against Armenia's LGBT Community”.
94 National Strategy for Human Rights Protection, 25.
95 Council of the EU, Declaration by the High Representative.
96 Vieira ibid., 4.
97 Vieira ibid., 4.
98 Kulpa, “Western Leveraged Pedagogy,” 9.
Additional information
Notes on contributors
Laure Delcour
Laure Delcour is an Associate Professor in International Relations and EU Studies, University Sorbonne-Nouvelle (France). Her research focuses on the diffusion of EU norms in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, EU-Russia relations and Russian foreign policy.