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Articles

From Reform and Transition to ‘Coloured Revolutions’

Pages 136-160 | Published online: 18 Nov 2010
 

Abstract

Peaceful revolutions known as ‘coloured revolutions’ have overthrown the previous paradigm known as ‘transition’: rapid privatization and democratization reforms, to move post-socialist societies to a Western model of governance. In a number of post-Soviet countries, transition did not lead to the promised results. To understand this failure, the economic side of transition – mass privatization – should be contrasted with the political side – democratization and political pluralism. The coloured revolutions reflected the rehabilitation of political change after a decade of change driven by economic priorities. Yet the recent wave of revolutions, in their turn, are led under neo-liberal banners, promising more privatization, restructuring, and cutting of social spending, an ideology that seems anachronistic when set against the needs of our times.

Notes

In fact, transition in post-Soviet countries was a triple metamorphosis if one adds state- and nation-building on the list of tasks to be completed.

Peter Rutland, ‘Mission Impossible? The IMF and the Failure of the Market Transition in Russia’, Review of International Studies, Vol.25, No.5 (1999), pp.183–200.

Steven Fish, ‘Rethinking Civil Society, Russia's Fourth Transition’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.5, No.3 (1994), pp.31–42.

The ‘shrinking’ of the state was not limited to states of the Soviet type, but was a global phenomenon starting with the US and the UK under the neo-liberal regimes of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher from the early 1980s, and a decade later in most European countries.

Alexander Smolar, ‘History and Memory: The Revolutions of 1989–1991’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.12, No.3 (2001), pp.5–19 (p.9).

Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman, OK: Oklahoma University Press, 1993), p.6.

John Dunn, ‘Capitalist Democracy: Elective Affinity or Beguiling Illusion?’, Dædalus, Vol.136, No.3 (2007), pp.5–13 (p.10).

Maxim Boycko, Andrei Shleifer and Robert Vishny, Privatizing Russia (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996), pp.119–20.

From 1992 to 2002 Russia's population fell from 148.7 million to 143.6 million: see David E. Powell, ‘Death as a Way of Life: Russia's Demographic Decline’, Current History, Vol.101, No.657 (2002), pp.344–8 (p.344).

Michael McFaul, ‘Transitions from Postcommunism’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.16, No.3 (2005), pp.5–19 (p.5).

Gérard Roland, ‘The Political Economy of Transition’, The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol.16, No.1 (2002), pp.29–50 (p.40).

For a study arguing for the possibility of simultaneous economic and political reforms, see Valerie Bunce, ‘Democratization and Economic Reform’, Annual Review of Political Science, Vol.4 (2001), pp.43–65.

Michael McFaul, Russia's Unfinished Revolution: Political Change from Gorbachev to Putin (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001), pp.19–20.

Kobil Ruziev, Dipak Ghosh and Sheila C. Dow, ‘The Uzbek Puzzle Revisited: An Analysis of Economic Performance in Uzbekistan Since 1991’, Central Asian Survey, Vol.26, No.1 (2007), pp.7–30 (pp.8 and 25–6).

Only print media with limited circulation were tolerated outside the control of the central government, while electronic media with a capacity for national broadcasting were brought under state control.

Vicken Cheterian, ‘Réformes et modernisation laissent la Russie exsangue’ [Reform and Modernisation leaves Russia bloodless], Le Monde diplomatique, July 1998, available at <http://www.mondediplomatique.fr/1998/07/CHETERIAN/10660.html>, accessed 31 Jan. 2009.

Thomas Carothers, ‘The End of Transition Paradigm’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.13, No.1 (2002), pp.5–31 (p.9); see also ‘Illusions of Transition: Which Perspective for Central Asia and the Caucasus?’, conference proceedings, CIMERA/Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva, 2004.

Carothers, op. cit, p.16.

Slobodan Milošević was a former Yugoslav Communist Party functionary and head of the Belgrade city party committee in 1984 and became head of the Serbia branch of the party in 1986; Eduard Shevardnadze was the minister of interior of Soviet Georgia, and later the first secretary of the Georgian Communist Party from 1972 to 1985 when he was called to Moscow as the minister of foreign affairs of the Soviet Union, before becoming the second president of independent Georgia in 1992; Leonid Kuchma was a manager at Yuzmash factory in Dnepropetrovsk in eastern Ukraine, before becoming a member of the parliament from 1990 to 1992, and nominated prime minister from 1992 to 1993; Askar Akaeyev was an academician trained as a physicist in Leningrad and Moscow, and became a senior professor at the polytechnic institute in Frunze (now Bishkek) in 1977, and head of the Kyrgyz academy of sciences in 1989, the year in which he was elected a deputy to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union.

Andrew Wilson, Ukraine's Orange Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005), pp.62-3.

See Transparency International, ‘Corruption Perception Index 2003’, available at <http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2003>, accessed 31 Jan. 2009.

Valerie J. Bunce and Sharon L. Wolchik, ‘Favorable Conditions and Electoral Revolutions’, Journal of Democracy, Vol.17, No.4 (2006), pp.5–18 (pp.5 and 6).

Joshua A. Tucker, ‘Enough! Electoral Fraud, Collective Action Problems, and Post-Communist Colored Revolutions’, Perspectives on Politics, Vol.5, No.3 (2007), pp.535–51 (p.536).

Author's interview with Srdja Popović, one of the founders of Otpor, Belgrade, March 2007. Otpor was active in Serbia, Kmara in Georgia, and PORA in Ukraine.

Albert Cevallos, ‘Whither the Bulldozer? Nonviolent Revolution and the Transition to Democracy in Serbia’, United States Institute for Peace Special Report 72 (2001), available at <http://www.usip.org/pubs/specialreports/sr72.html#top>, accessed 31 Jan. 2009.

Renaud Girard, ‘Zoran Djindjic, l'homme qui avait passé un pacte avec le diable’ [Zoran Djindjić, the Man who made a Pact with the Devil], Le Figaro, 4 Nov. 2003.

Reuters, ‘Yugoslavia Fires Milošević-Era Army Boss Pavkovic’, 24 June 2002, available at <http://www.reuters.com>, accessed 25 June 2002. Pasković refused the orders of the president, reacting: ‘He has practically decided that my service ends as of tomorrow, as if I were the greatest scum in this state. … Of course, I have refused this and I will not carry out this order’.

‘Ukrainian President Announces Top-Level Dismissals’, TV 5 Kanal, BBC Monitoring Service, 8 Sept. 2005.

Barrington Moore Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1993; originally published 1966), p.414.

Steven Lee Myers, ‘Battle Over Control of Troops Escalates Political Crisis in Ukraine’, New York Times, 26 May 2007.

V.I. Lenin, The State and Revolution (London: U Books, 1968).

Defence spending constituted a quarter of the state budget in Georgia in 2007: Civil Georgia, ‘Increased Defence Spending Priorities Outlined’, 9 Sept. 2007, available at <http://www.civilgeorgia.ge/eng/article.php?id=15760>, accessed 10 Feb. 2009.

Author's interview with Gigi Tevzadze, rector of Ilia Chavchavadze University and one of the main architects of the education reform in Georgia, Tbilisi, 15 May 2007.

Laurence Broers, ‘After the “Revolution”: Civil Society and the Challenges of Consolidating Democracy in Georgia’, Central Asian Survey, Vol.24, No.3 (2005), pp.333–50.

After the victory of the revolution, the five-cross flag of the National Movement was adopted as the new national flag of Georgia, as if to underline this unity between party and state.

M. Alkhazashvili, ‘Poverty Up in Georgia’, The Messenger, 24 April 2007.

International Crisis Group, ‘Kyrgyzstan: A Faltering State’, Asia Report, No. 109 (16 Dec. 2005), pp.4–10.

Sulkhan Molashvili, the former chairman of the state audit agency and close ally of ex-president Shevardnadze, was arrested in July 2004, accused of corruption and misappropriating three million laris. He suffered a heart attack under torture, and after treatment he was returned to jail: see ‘Court Remanded Ex-Audit Chief’, Civil Georgia, 17 July 2004.

Zaal Anjapariodze, ‘Georgian Media Mogul Forced out of Business’, Jamestown Foundation, Eurasia Daily Monitor, 14 Oct. 2004, available at <http://www.jamestown.org/programs/edm/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=27000&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=175&no_cache=1>, accessed 31 Jan. 2009; and Célia Chauffour, ‘Médias: qui tient les rênes du 4e pouvoir en Géorgie?’ [Media: Who Holds the Reins of 4th Estate in Georgia], Caucaz.com, 1 Jan. 2004, available at <http://www.caucaz.com/home/breve_contenu.php?id=29>, accessed 31 Jan. 2009; and ‘Reports: Rustavi 2 TV Changes Hands’, Civil Georgia, 20 Nov. 2006, available at <http://www.civil.ge/eng/article.php?id=14127>, accessed 31 Jan. 2009.

Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions, A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p.4.

I am grateful to Ronald Grigor Suny who in a conversation brought this distinction to my attention.

See, among others, Dankwart A. Rustow, ‘Transition to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model’, Comparative Politics, Vol.2, No.3 (1970), pp.337–63.

Mark R. Beissinger, ‘Promoting Democracy: Is Exporting Revolution a Constructive Strategy?’, Dissent Magazine, Winter 2006, pp.84–9.

Janine Zacharia, ‘U.S. Democracy Aid for Ex-Soviet States Falls Despite Bush Call’ (Washington, DC: Bloomberg), 11 May 2005, available at <http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=1000087&sid=adRHerUOowAU&ref=top_world_news>, accessed 13 April 2009.

Simon Sradzhyan and Carl Schreck, ‘FSB Chief: NGOs a Cover for Spying’, Moscow Times, 13 May 2005.

Reporters Without Borders, ‘Number of Journalists Seeking Asylum at Embassies in Baku Increases to 24’, 13 June 2007, available at <http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=22331>, accessed 31 Jan. 2009.

For a discussion on recent theories of revolution, see Jack A. Goldstone, ‘Toward A Fourth Generation of Revolutionary Theory’, Annual Review of Political Science, Vol.4 (2001), pp.139–87.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Vicken Cheterian

Vicken Cheterian is a Geneva-based researcher, director of programmes at the research organization CIMERA. His research interests are conflicts, peace-building, nationalism, transition and democratization, and environment and security. His latest book is War and Peace in the Caucasus, Russia's Troubled Frontier (2008). The author would like to thank Andre Liebich for valuable comments on an earlier version of this essay.

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