Institutions, feminist mobilizations, and political economy: Debating equal inheritance in Tunisia

ABSTRACT

Scholars have long established that institutions, both formal and informal, are gendered. But how does institutional change come about, and what prevents it? This article focuses on the debate in Tunisia around equal inheritance for women. Tunisia’s 1956 family law had emancipatory features, but equal inheritance for daughters was not among them, and the issue came to be advocated by feminist groups. The Committee on Individual Liberties and Equality (COLIBE), formed in 2017 by then President Essebsi, produced a report the following year that recommended equal inheritance, among other legal and policy reforms. The Tunisian experience shows how feminist groups seek to realize institutional change by working with (and within) state bureaucracies and political parties, appealing to other elite allies, securing support from legal and technical experts, and aligning ‘framing’ strategies for wider religio-cultural resonance. However, feminist goals may be undermined by an untoward political economy and low popular support, as occurred in Tunisia. Sources of data and information include detailed press accounts and relevant secondary sources, a close reading of the COLIBE report, Facebook discussions, Tunisian feminist publications, a June 2019 seminar on the COLIBE process by one of its members, and public opinion data.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

¹ The prodigious literature includes: Khedija Arfaoui, ‘The Development of the Feminist Movement in Tunisia 1920s—2000s’, The International Journal of the Humanities (vol. 4, no. 8, 2007), 53–59; Mounira Charrad and Amina Zarrugh, ‘The Arab Spring and Women’s Rights in Tunisia’, E-International Relations (2012), http://www.e-ir.info/2013/09/04/the-arab-spring-and-womens-rights-in-tunisia/; Lilia Labidi, ‘The Nature of Transnational Alliances in Women’s Associations in the Maghreb: The Case of AFTURD and ATFD in Tunisia’, Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies (vol. 3, no. 1, 2007), 6–34 and Jane Tchaïcha and Khedija Arfaoui, ‘Tunisian Women in the Twenty-first Century: Past Achievements and Present Uncertainties in the Wake of the Jasmine Revolution’, Journal of North African Studies (vol. 17, no. 2, 2012), 215–238.

² Wassila Ltaief, ‘International Law, Mixed Marriage and the Law of Succession in North Africa: “ … but some are more equal than others”’, International Social Science Journal (no. 184, 2005), 331–350. See also https://www.rfi.fr/en/20180911-interfaith-marriage-tunisia (accessed June 2, 2022).

³ Mounira Charrad, ‘Policy Shifts: State, Islam, and Gender in Tunisia, 1930s-1990s’, Social Politics (vol. 4, no. 2, 1997), 284–319.

⁴ ATFD [Association tunisienne des femmes démocrates], ‘Women’s Rights in Tunisia: Alternative Report Submitted to the UN CEDAW Committee, 47^th Session, October 2010’ (p. 5). https://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cedaw/docs/ngos/ATFD_Tunisia_CEDAW47_en.pdf

⁵ Mounira Charrad and Amina Zarrugh, ‘Equal or Complementary? Women in the New Tunisian Constitution after the Arab Spring’, Journal of North African Studies (vol. 19, no. 220140, 230–243; Andrea Khalil, ‘Tunisia’s Women: Partners in Revolution’, Journal of North African Studies (vol. 19 no. 2, 2014), 186–199.

⁶ Joan Acker, ‘From sex roles to gendered institutions’, Contemporary Sociology (vol. 21, no. 5, 1992), 565–569; Waylen, Engendering Transitions (2007).

⁷ Mounira Charrad, States and Women’s Rights: The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001); Suad Joseph (ed.), Gender and Citizenship in the Middle East (Syracuse University Press, 2000); V. M. Moghadam, ‘Women’s Employment in Tunisia: Structures, Institutions, Advocacy’, Sociology of Development (vol. 5, issue 4, Dec. 2019), 337–359; Aili Mari Tripp, Seeking Legitimacy: Why Autocracies Adopt Women’s Rights (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019).

⁸ Fiona Mackay, ‘Nested Newness, Institutional Innovation, and the Gendered Limits of Change’, Politics & Gender (vol. 10, no. 4, 2014), 549–571; Georgina Waylen, Engendering Transitions: Women’s Mobilization, Institutions and Gender Outcomes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).

⁹ Doug McAdam, John McCarthy, and Mayer Zald (eds.), Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Paul Almeida, Social Movements: The Structure of Collective Mobilization (Oakland: University of California Press, 2019), esp. ch. 7.

¹⁰ Sally Engle Merry, Human Rights and Gender Violence: Translating International Law into Local Justice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006).

¹¹ David Snow, ‘Framing Process, Ideology, and Discursive Fields’, in D. Snow, S. Soule, and H. Kriesi (eds.), The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements (Oxford: Blackwell 2004), 380–412; Zeinab Tufekci, Twitter and Tear Gas: The Power and Fragility of Networked Protest (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017).

¹² Salwa Hamrouni, ‘Islamic Law and Gender Equality in the Balance: Inheritance Law Reform in Tunisia’, delivered at the Aga Khan Center, London (13 June 2019).

¹³ Charrad, States and Women’s Rights; Hamrouni 2019 lecture; République Tunisienne, Rapport de la Commission des libertés individuelles et de l’égalité (Tunis, 1^er juin 2018).

¹⁴ The history of Muslim women’s inheritance rights and access to and control of wealth is more complex. Elite women in Mamluk-era (17^th century) Egypt, for example, could own and manage property, often endowing Waqf, forms of investment ostensibly for religious purposes, which however could generate income and over which the owner had control in perpetuity. For details, see Mary Ann Fay, ‘Women and Waqf: Toward a Reconsideration of Women’s Place in the Mamluk Household’, International Journal of Middle East Studies (vol. 29, 1997), 33–51.

¹⁵ Laurie Brand, Women, the State, and Political Liberalization: Middle Eastern and North Africa Experiences (NY: Columbia University Press, 1998), 221.

¹⁶ Brand, Women, The State, and Political Liberalization, 221.

¹⁷ Collectif 95 Maghreb-Egalité, Guide to Equality in the Family in the Maghreb (Bethesda, MD: Women’s Learning Partnership Translation Series, 2005), 132. The authorized translation of Dalil pour l’égalité dans la famille au Maghreb (2003) is by the Women’s Learning Partnership for Rights, Development, and Peace.

¹⁸ Merry, Human Rights and Gender Violence: Translating International Law into Local Justice, 19–21.

¹⁹ AFTURD, Egalité dans l’Héritage: Pour une citoyenneté pleine et entière. Vol. 1: Histoire, Droits et Sociétés; Vol. 2: Plaidoyer pour l’Egalité dans l’Héritage. [Equality in inheritance: for full citizenship (for women). Vol. 1: History, Laws, and Societies; vol. 2: An appeal for equality of inheritance.] Tunis: AFTURD, 2006. See also ATFD, ‘Women’s Rights in Tunisia.

²⁰ Selma Zouari, « Égalité dans l’héritage: les enjeux économiques », in AFTURD, ONU-FEMMES, and Collectif 95 Maghreb-Egalité, Égalité dans l’héritage et autonomie économique des femmes, (Tunis: Collectif 95, 2014), 121–195. https://www.onu-tn.org/uploads/documents/14323068260.pdf

²¹ « On est passé de la famille étendue où les ressources sont mises on commun (logement, terre, produit du travail, etc.) et où la prise en charge de chacun relève de la responsabilité du groupe, à une famille restreinte et au couple où l’homme et la femme coopèrent se partagent la responsabilité ». I obtained the statements by Mme. Jémia via friends on Facebook.

²² Mari Norbakk, ‘The women’s rights champion: Tunisia’s potential for furthering women’s rights’ (Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute, CMI Report 2016), 5.

²³ According to one report. even after the abrogation of the mixed marriage directive, many notaries across the country refused to marry a couple if the husband did not provide certification of conversion to Islam. See Ahlem Minouna, ‘Tunisia: Mixed marriages, a coup against mentalities’, Middle East Eye (18 August 2018), https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/reportages/tunisie-les-mariages-mixtes-un-coup-de-force-contre-les-mentalites

²⁴ COLIBE members: Bochra Belhaj Hmida (president), Dorra Bouchoucha, Kerim Bouzouita, Abdelmajid Charfi, Iqbal Gharabi, Malek Ghazouani, Salwa Hamrouni, Slaheddine Jourchi, Slim Laghmani.

²⁵ Notes by the present author.

²⁶ The information on Jourchie is from Amel al-Hilali, ‘Tunisian women fighting for equal inheritance rights’, Al-Monitor (13 March 2018), https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2018/03/tunisian-women-rally-demand-equal-inheritance-rights.html

²⁷ République Tunisienne, Rapport de la Commission des libertés individuelles et de l’égalité (Tunis, 1^er juin 2018), ‘L’approche participative”, 5–7.

²⁸ ‘Ainsi, le mari/père n’est plus le seul responsable de la gestion de l’institution de la famille et le gestionnaire de ses ressources économiques. » (Thus, the husband/father is no longer solely responsible for the management of the family or is economic resources.’) Republique Tunisienne, Rapport, 10–11.

²⁹ Amel Hammami, ‘The new inheritance law polemic’, The Maghreb and Orient Courier (January 2019), https://lecourrierdumaghrebetdelorient.info/cmo-mocs-final-edition/tunisia-the-new-inheritance-law-polemic/

³⁰ From author notes.

³¹ « L’Islam a répondu à l’appel de la justice et de l’équité afin de répandre l’égalité absolue entre les hommes et les femmes en termes de droits et de devoirs, ainsi qu’en termes d’engagements, d’obligations, de récompenses et de sanctions dans des textes fondateurs et explicites dans ce chapitre [of the Quran]. » Rapport, 13.

³² Hamrouni, from author notes.

³³ Rapport, 204–210.

³⁴ Ibid., 207–8.

³⁵ Human Rights Council, ‘Visit to Tunisia: Report of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion and belief’, Human Rights Council, 40^th session (25 Feb.-22 March 2019). A/HRC/40/58/Add.1.

³⁶ Wahid Ferchichi and Wafa Ben Haj Omar, ‘In Defence of Individual Liberties: Bodily Liberties in a Civil Democratic State’ (2018), https://lb.boell.org/en/2018/11/07/defence-individual-liberties-bodily-liberties-civil-democratic-state

³⁷ From author notes.

³⁸ Cited in Al-Hilali, ‘Tunisian women fighting for equal inheritance rights.’

³⁹ All quotes from Stephen Quillen, ‘Tunisia’s next political battle: equal inheritance rights’, Al-Monitor (27 August 2018). https://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2018/08/tunisia-president-women-equal-inheritance-rights.html?utm_campaign=20180828&utm_source=sailthru&utm_medium=email&utm_term=Daily%20Newsletter [accessed July 2022]

⁴⁰ Hammami, ‘The new inheritance law polemic’.

⁴¹ Cited in Quillen, ‘Tunisia’s next political battle: equal inheritance rights’ (2018).

⁴² See note 40 above.

⁴³ All quotes from Quillen, ‘Tunisia’s next political battle: equal inheritance rights’.

⁴⁴ See note 40 above.

⁴⁵ Deniz Kandiyoti, ‘Bargaining with Patriarchy’, Gender & Society (vol. 2, no. 3, Sept 1988), 274–290.

⁴⁶ Massoud Karshenas and V. M. Moghadam, ‘Female Labour Force Participation and Women’s Employment: Puzzles, Problems, and Research’, in Hassan Hakimian (ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Middle East Economics (London: Routledge, 2021), 92–108.

⁴⁷ V. M. Moghadam, ‘Women’s Employment in Tunisia: Structures, Institutions, Advocacy,’ Sociology of Development, vol. 5, issue 4 (Dec. 2019): 337–359.

⁴⁸ Larbi Sadiki, ‘Regional Development in Tunisia: The Consequences of Multiple Marginalization’, Brookings Doha Center, Policy Briefing (January 2019). https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Regional-development-in-Tunisia-the-consequences-of-multiple-marginalization_English-Web.pdf

⁴⁹ Samer Matta, Simon Appleton, and Michael Bleaney, ‘The impact of the Arab Spring on the Tunisian economy’ (Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group, Policy Research Working Paper 7856, Oct. 2016), 12. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/518411476195193488/The-impact-of-the-Arab-Spring-on-the-Tunisian-economy

⁵⁰ Abdoulaye Sy, M. El Abassi, V. Belinga, M. H. Bchir, H. Zitouna, C. Djiofack, J.A. Cuesta Leiva, A. Fruttero, G. Ibarra, S. Mouley, L. Ayadi, H. Fourati, Z. Ouelhazi, Republic of Tunisia: Impact of the Libya Crisis on the Tunisian Economy (Washington D.C.: World Bank Group, 2017), 2, 7. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/517981490766125612/Tunisia-Impact-of-the-Libya-crisis-on-the-Tunisian-economy

⁵¹ OECD, « Economy of Tunisia at a Glance » (May 2021). https://www.oecd.org/fr/economie/tunisie-en-un-coup-d-oeil/

⁵² Human Rights Council, ‘Visit to Tunisia: Report of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion and belief’, 2.

⁵³ Tarek Megerisi, ‘Back from the brink: A better way for Europe to support Tunisia’s democratic transition’, European Council on Foreign Relations Policy Brief 403 (June 2021).

⁵⁴ Arab Barometer, ‘Arab Barometer V: Tunisia Country Report’, 4, 11. https://www.arabbarometer.org/wp-content/uploads/ABV_Tunisia_Report_Public-Opinion_2018-2019.pdf

⁵⁵ See IRI, ‘Political Opinion Survey of Tunisia, November 23–3 December 2017’, https://www.iri.org/wp-content/uploads/legacy/iri.org/2018-01-10_tunisia_poll_presentation.pdf. The same poll also found that 65% of respondents ‘strongly opposed’ the president’s move to repeal a decree barring Tunisian women from marrying non-Muslim men.

⁵⁶ Amberin Zaman, ‘Intel: Conservative law professor wins landslide in Tunisia presidential runoff’, Al-Monitor (13 October 2019) https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2019/10/cais-saied-wins-tunisia-presidential-runoff-exit-polls.html#ixzz62HfgmUsg

⁵⁷ Qalb Tunis (Heart of Tunisia), a new party, won 38 seats in 2019, and Democratic Current, 22. Four other parties won 77 seats among them, making the seven parties the largest in parliament, and another coalition government was formed in February 2020. For details, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2019_Tunisian_parliamentary_election. For a critical view of Tunisia’s political parties, see Marina Ottaway, ‘Tunisia: Political Parties and Democracy in Crisis’ (Washington, DC: Wilson Center Viewpoints, 2 April 2021), https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/tunisia-political-parties-and-democracy-crisis?utm_medium=email&utm_source=article&utm_campaign=mep&emci=4078abc7-fa9e-eb11-85aa-0050f237abef&emdi=7ae2ae25-0fa1-eb11-85aa-0050f237abef&ceid=228706

⁵⁸ McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (op cit.); Merry (op cit.); Snow (op cit.); Tufekci (op cit.)

⁵⁹ See, for example, discussion in Almeida, Social Movements (op cit.).

⁶⁰ Sana Ben Achour, ‘Le spectacle de la souffrance des femmes’, via Facebook (25 August 2021).

⁶¹ Mme. Salwa Kno al-Subaie’s statement was made at a press conference held at the offices of the National Syndicate of Tunisian Journalists. From a Facebook posting by feminist trade unionist Mme. Samia Bouslama Letaief, 1 March 2022.