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Research Article

Autocratization as Ethnocratization? How Regime Transformations toward Autocracy Deteriorate Ethnic Relations

Published online: 08 Dec 2023
 

Abstract

When a country becomes more autocratic, does it affect the relations between ethnic groups in a systematic way? Cross-national and case-based research witnesses how autocratization (the opposite of democratization) is becoming increasingly prevalent, particularly in societies where ethnic relations are politicized and polarized. However, we still lack sufficient knowledge on how autocratization might have an impact on ethnic relations. The paper advances previous autocratization and ethnic studies. It hypothesizes that if a country autocratizes, this further deteriorates its ethnic relations (ethnocratization). It substantiates this claim through a mixed-method design. It starts with a longitudinal analysis at the ethnic group-level, to demonstrate how ethnic discrimination and domination are more probable during autocratization episodes. Next, it examines a collection of international reports on the predicament of ethnic majorities and minorities in countries undergoing autocratization episodes, to identify two causal mechanisms as the main incentives and justifications of the incumbent (and autocratizing) elites: ideological legitimation and authoritarian experimentation. This research encourages scholars on autocratization and ethnic studies to join their efforts, to investigate how democracy and ethnic inclusion can decline in parallel and, thus, to show the reasons why they should advance together.

Acknowledgements

I thank Leonardo Puleo and Luca Tomini for their detailed feedback on this paper. My grateful remarks also go to Sebnem Gumuscu and Viivi Vadelma Jarvi, discussants and organizers of the 2023 MPSA panel “The Economics of Authoritarianism and Democratic Transitions”, where I presented a previous version of this work. Finally, I kindly thank the two anonymous reviewers and the editors of the journal for their precise suggestions, helpful insights and overall support.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

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21 Edward D Mansfield and Jack Snyder, “Democratization and the Danger of War,” International Security (1995): 5–38; Jack L. Snyder, From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (New York: Norton, 2000); Jacques Bertrand, “Democratization and Religious and Nationalist Conflict in Post-Suharto Indonesia,” Democratization and Identity: Regimes and Ethnicity in East and Southeast Asia (2004): 177–200; Michael Mann, The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder, Electing to Fight: Why Emerging Democracies Go to War (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007).

22 Zeric Kay Smith, “The Impact of Political Liberalisation and Democratisation on Ethnic Conflict in Africa: An Empirical Test of Common Assumptions,” The Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 1 (2000): 21–39.

23 Andreas Juon and Daniel Bochsler, “The Wrong Place at the Wrong Time? Territorial Autonomy and Conflict During Regime Transitions,” Comparative Political Studies (2023): 1–34.

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26 Katharine Adeney, “How Can We Model Ethnic Democracy? An Application to Contemporary India,” Nations and Nationalism 27, no. 2 (2021): 393–411; Christophe Jaffrelot, Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021).

27 Sammy Smooha, “The Model of Ethnic Democracy: Israel as a Jewish and Democratic State,” Nations and Nationalism 8, no. 4 (2002): 475–503.

28 Yiftachel, Ethnocracy.

29 Guido Panzano, Ethnic Domination in Deeply Divided Places: The Hegemonic State in Israel and Estonia (Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021); Matthijs Bogaards, “Consociationalism and the State,” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics (2023): 1–19.

30 For the various modalities of autocratization, cf. Andrea Cassani and Luca Tomini, Autocratization in Post-Cold War Political Regimes (Cham: Springer, 2018).

31 In fact, autocratization processes are rarely unjustified. Specifically for post-colonial contextsand the Global South, scholars have already investigated how a centralization of power in the hands of the incumbent has been justified as conducive to development and in the name of the unity or even the peace of the country, especially after ethnic-based conflicts, cf. Richard L. Sklar, “Democracy in Africa,” African Studies Review 26, no. 3–4 (1983): 11–24; Hilary Matfess, “Rwanda and Ethiopia: Developmental Authoritarianism and the New Politics of African Strong Men,” African Studies Review 58, no. 2 (2015): 181–204; Gabrielle Lynch, Nic Cheeseman, and Justin Willis, “From Peace Campaigns to Peaceocracy: Elections, Order and Authority in Africa,” African Affairs 118, no. 473 (2019): 603–27.

32 Juraj Medzihorsky and Staffan I. Lindberg, “Walking the Talk: How to Identify Anti-Pluralist Parties,” Party Politics (2023): 1–15.

33 Neophytos Loizides, The Politics of Majority Nationalism: Framing Peace, Stalemates, and Crises (Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015).

34 Johannes Gerschewski, “The Three Pillars of Stability: Legitimation, Repression, and Co-optation in Autocratic Regimes,” Democratization 20, no. 1 (2013): 13–38.

35 Masha Gessen, The Future Is History: How Totalitarianism Reclaimed Russia (Granta Books, 2017); Manuel Vogt, Mobilization and Conflict in Multiethnic States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, USA, 2019).

36 Evan S. Lieberman, “Nested Analysis as a Mixed-Method Strategy for Comparative Research,” American Political Science Review 99, no. 3 (2005): 435–52.

37 Michael Coppedge, John Gerring, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Staffan I. Lindberg, Jan Teorell, David Altman, Michael Bernhard, Agnes Cornell, M. Steven Fish, Lisa Gastaldi et. al., “V-Dem Codebook v12 Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project” (2022); Maerz et al., “Episodes of Regime Transformation.”

38 Vogt et al., “Integrating Data on Ethnicity, Geography, and Conflict.”

39 For instance, bias might occur if the same expert assesses the electoral quality in a particular country in a specific year and then examine the conditions of its ethnic groups. However, using data from multiple sources and measuring different underlying concepts (like electoral democracy and ethnic group power status) should minimize this bias.

40 As explained in the codebook, “senior” (usually for majorities) or “junior” (for minorities) “partners” are assigned to ethnic groups included in the political regime with “real influence on decision making.” A “dominant” status is given to ethnic groups when they have “dominant power in the executive but there is some limited inclusion of “token” members of other groups who however do not have real influence on decision making”; similarly, “monopoly” status is given to ethnic groups maintaining all the “monopoly power to the exclusion of members of all other ethnic groups.” Similarly, the EPR lists as “powerless” those ethnic groups when their “elite representatives hold no political power (or do not have influence on decision making) at the national level of executive power—although without being explicitly discriminated against.” Conversely, they give the “discriminated” status to groups of which “members are subjected to active, intentional, and targeted discrimination by the state, with the intent of excluding them from political power. Such active discrimination can be either formal or informal, but always refers to the domain of public politics (excluding discrimination in the socio-economic sphere).” The category of “self-exclusion”—for example, groups controlling a restricted territory without engaging in central politics—has been excluded from this analysis. Cf. Nils-Christian Bormann, Girardin, L., Hunziker, P., and Vogt, M., GROWup Research Front-End Documentation RFE Release 2.0 (Zurich: ETH Zurich, 2015).

41 Maerz et al., “A Framework for Understanding Regime Transformation”; Lars Pelke and Aurel Croissant, “Conceptualizing and Measuring Autocratization Episodes,” Swiss Political Science Review 27, no. 2 (2021): 434–48; Matthew C. Wilson, Medzihorsky, J., Maerz, S. F., Lindenfors, P., Edgell, A. B., Boese, V. A., & Lindberg, S. I., “Episodes of Liberalization in Autocracies: A New Approach to Quantitatively Studying Democratization,” Political Science Research and Methods (2022): 1–20.

42 To clarify, the EDI is based on a combination of V-Dem small-scale indexes concerning the electoral principle of democracy, such as free and fair elections, freedom of association, and the extent to which public offices are elected. Therefore, this indicator does not include variables on ethnic issues or practices related to social groups—differently from other “thicker” indicators on democracy or democratic quality.

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44 We can also rule out the possibility that there are other global factors (not connected to autocratization, such as trends in international economy or globalization) affecting our outcome and making our relationship spurious. Cf. Nils-Christian Bormann, Pengl, Y. I., Cederman, L. E., & Weidmann, N. B., “Globalization, Institutions, and Ethnic Inequality,” International Organization 75, no. 3 (2021): 665–97.

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47 Having different dependent variables, the total number of observations for each model changes accordingly: for instance, in the model explaining the shifts of ethnic groups “from junior partner to powerless” (2.1), we only include groups of the same respective baseline status (junior partner).

48 We exclude the possibility that there might be issues of reverse causality. As we have seen and it can be observed from , the change in the relations between ethnic groups is a very rare phenomenon (around 1% of the sample), while autocratization episodes are not. This being sad, we do not exclude that other conditions related to ethnicity, such as grievances, or the overlapping between economic and ethnic cleavages might be considered as factors leading to autocratization. Cf. Christian Houle, “Ethnic Inequality and the Dismantling of Democracy: A Global Analysis,” World Politics 67, no. 3 (2015): 469–505; Lasse Egendal Leipziger, “Ethnic Inequality, Democratic Transitions, and Democratic Breakdowns: Investigating an Asymmetrical Relationship,” The Journal of Politics (2023): 1–25; Guido Panzano, “Do Mutually Reinforcing Cleavages Harm Democracy? Inequalities between Ethnic Groups and Autocratization,” Democratization (2023): 1–25.

49 Glenn A. Bowen, “Document Analysis as a Qualitative Research Method,” Qualitative Research Journal 9, no. 2 (2009): 27–40.

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Additional information

Notes on contributors

Guido Panzano

Guido Panzano is PhD candidate in Political Science at the Université libre de Bruxelles (ULB), where he works as Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique (FNRS) Research Fellow at the Centre d’Etude de la Vie Politique (CEVIPOL). His research interests include democratization, autocratization and ethnic issues.

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