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Research Article

Suppress or Support? Great Powers and Revolutionary Agency in the Greek War of Independence

Published online: 11 Jul 2024
 

Abstract

Why was the Greek revolution tolerated by the status-quo-seeking Great Powers of the day, while other European movements were swiftly put down? We suggest that the initial decision of the Great Powers not to suppress the revolution was not a predestined outcome informed by civilizational affinity, humanitarian concerns, or on-the-ground military developments. It was rather the result of geopolitical calculations by the ideologically varied Great Powers and diplomatic maneuvering by heterochthonous Greek revolutionaries attuned to contemporary European politics. The latter made a conscious effort to distinguish their revolt from counter-establishment movements and signal their openness to input from the Great Powers. Revolutionary agency within a multipolar realpolitik context, rather than humanitarian or civilizational concerns, ultimately precluded suppression and ultimately elicited British support based on the conviction that Greece would become a liberal nation-state—with a neoclassical connection to Ancient Greek ideals, but also to Christianity—and a new financial market. Russia and France followed suit.

Acknowledgment

We would like to thank Magnus Briem, George Giannakopoulos, Antonis Klapsis and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful feedback.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

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12 Ali Pasha of Ioannina was an Ottoman ruler of Albanian origin who rebelled against the Ottoman Empire in 1820. Ali Pasha was defeated and executed by the Ottomans in 1822 (see, HŞükrü Ilıcak, “Those Infidel Greeks”: The Greek War of Independence Through Ottoman Archival Documents (2 vols.) (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2021).

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19 Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 1789–1848 (London: Vintage Books, 1996), The Invention of International Order.

20 Jacobinism is a term associated with the Jacobin Club, one of the most radical political movements founded during the French Revolution in 1789. Jacobinism became identified with liberalism and Bonapartism, giving rise to “the idea of a Holy Alliance” that haunted both the post-Napoleonic era and the whole “nineteenth- and twentieth-century politics” (Issac Nakhimovsky, The Holy Alliance Liberalism and the Politics of Federation [Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2024], 287).

21 Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 109; Brian E. Vick, The Congress of Vienna. Power and Politics after Napoleon (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2014)

22 Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 112.

23 The Carbonari, which means “charcoal burners,” was an informal network of secret revolutionary societies active in the Apennine Peninsula from about 1800 to 1831. According to Rath, “the one common political goal unanimously professed and upheld by every Carbonaro was to give unity, liberty, and independence to the Italian people and to expel all foreigners, whether French or Austrians, from the Apennine Peninsula” and “the next most frequently expressed aim was to provide the united Italy with some form of constitutional government” (R. J. Rath, “The Carbonari: Their Origins, Initiation Rites, and Aims,” The American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (1964): 353–70

24 Maurizio Isabella, Southern Europe in the Age of Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2023).

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32 Memoranda relative to the appointment of consul general in Albania &ca, and particularly regarding the protection to be afforded to Ionian subjects, 1819 (E. Prevelakis and K. Kalliataki-Merticopoulou, editors. Epirus, Ali Pasha and the Greek Revolution: Consular Reports of William Meyer from Preveza. 2 vols (Athens: Academy of Athens, 1996)

33 William Meyer to Hankey, disp. no 196, 2. 9.1821 (Prevelakis and Kalliataki-Mertikopoulou, Epirus, Ali Pasha and the Greek Revolution, v.1: 446–8).

34 Ioannis Philimon, Dokimion peri tis Philikis Etaireias (Nauplion: Kondazis kai Loulakis, 1834); George D. Frangos, The Philike Etaireia, 1814–1821: A Social and Historical Analysis (PhD dissertation, Columbia University).

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37 The Russian Decembrist movement consisted of several secret societies. Some of them were headed by young men who admired the Western European political and social institutions. It culminated in an unsuccessful revolution that took place in Saint Petersburg on 26 December 1825 (Patrick O’Meara, The Decembrist Pavel Pestel. Russian’s First Republican (Hampshire and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003

38 Douglas Dakin. “The Formation of the Greek State,” in The Struggle for the Greek Independence, edited by Richard Clogg (London and Basingstoke: The Macmillan Press, 1973), 156–81.

39 C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914. Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), 99, 105.

40 Vick, The Congress of Vienna; Nakhimovsky, The Holy Alliance Liberalism and the Politics of FederationWebster, The Congress of Vienna

41 Ada Dialla, 2023. Η Ρωσική αυτοκρατορία και ο ελληνικός κόσμος. Τοπικές, ευρωπαϊκές και παγκόσμιες ιστορίες στην Εποχή των Επαναστάσεων. Athens: Alexandreia.

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46 Charles L. Booth, “Let the American Flag Wave in the Aegean: America Responds to the Greek War of Independence (1821–1824)” (PhD dissertation, New York University, 2005).

47 The Orlov Revolt took place in Mani in 1770 but was long in the making. Catherine II sent Russian agents to the Ottoman Empire to “stir up the Greeks” as early as 1763. The Russian Empire was sensing a looming war with the Ottoman Empire and wished to collect data on the mood of the Christians living in Ottoman lands. Russian agents were sent to various communities in the Peloponnese and Rumeli in the 1760s to scope out the population and explore the possibilities for a rebellion. With this rebellion, Count Aleksy Grigoryevich Orlov wanted to weaken the Ottoman Empire during its war with Russia. The Russian Empire won, but the Orlov rebellion was effectively crushed by the Ottomans and the rebels were basically forgotten by the Russians during the negotiations of the Kutchuk-Kainardji Treaty in 1774. The Treaty, however, gave Russia the right to protect the Orthodox Christians (France was protecting the Catholics) of the Ottoman Empire and allowed Greeks to sail unobstructed with Russian flags in Ottoman sea lanes.

48 David Roessel, In Byron’s Shadow: Modern Greece in the English and American Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002)Russia and the Making of Modern Greek Identity, 1821–1844.

49 Elena B. Smilyanskaya “Russian Warriors in the Land of Miltiades and Themistocles: The Colonial Ambitions of Catherine the Great in the Mediterranean,” HSE Working papers WP BRP 55/HUM/2014.

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51 Natalie Klein, L’Humanité, le Christianisme, et la Liberté’. Die Internationale Philhellenische Vereinsbewegung der 1820er Jahre (Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 2000).

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55 For more on Peterloo, see E. P. Thompson, “God and King and Law.” New Reasoner 3 (1957): 69-86; Gianna Tzourmana, Bρετανοί ριζοσπάστες μεταρρυθμιστές. Φιλικές εταιρείες και κομιτάτα στο Λονδίνο (17991923) (Athens: Benaki Museum, 2015).

56 William Parry, The Last Days of Lord Byron (London: Knight and Lacey, 1825), 184–5; For more see Roderick Beaton, Byron’s War: Romantic Rebellion, Greek Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013) and William Keach, “Byron as Greek Ambassador to the United States?” Byron Journal 45, no. 1 (2017): 69–73

57 Douglas Dakin, British and American Philhellenes During the War of Greek Independence, 1821–1833 (Thessaloniki: Institute of Balkan Studies, 1955).

58 Orleanists were the constitutional monarchists in 18th- and 19th-century France who favored the Orléans branch of the house of Bourbon (the descendants of Philippe, Duke d’Orléans, younger brother of Louis XIV). Its zenith of power occurred during the July Monarchy (1830–48) of Louis-Philippe (Duke d’Orléans from 1793 to 1830).

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61 For more on the Orlov rebellion see below. Many of the individuals who participated in the Orlov rebellion fled abroad and they (or their children) were involved in the 1821 revolt.

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82 Loizides, Religious Nationalism and Adaptation in Southeast Europe.

83 Harris Mylonas, “Nation‐Building Policies in the Balkans: An Ottoman or a Manufactured Legacy?,” Nations and Nationalism 25, no. 3 (2019): 866–87.

84 Katsikas, Islam and Nationalism in Modern Greece, 23–5.

85 Vogli, Έλληνες το γένος.

86 Miroslav Šedivý, Metternich, the Great Powers and the Eastern Question (Pilsen: Typos, 2013).

87 Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla, Humanitarian Intervention in the Long Nineteenth Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015).

88 Giacomo Giraldi, Unhomme d’ordre pouvait-il ệtre philhellène? On the Greek Question in the Congress System (182122)” In Italian Support for the Greek Revolution, 18211832. A Dress Rehearsal for the Risorgimento Athens: ETPbooks, 57–73.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Harris Mylonas

Harris Mylonas is Editor-in-Chief of Nationalities Papers and Associate Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Department of Political Science, George Washington University. He is the author of The Politics of Nation-Building: Making Co-Nationals, Refugees, and Minorities (Cambridge University Press, 2012); co-editor of Enemies Within: The Global Politics of Fifth Columns (Oxford University Press, 2022; with Scott Radnitz) and The Microfoundations of Diaspora Politics (Routledge, 2022; with Alexandra Délano Alonso); and co-author of Varieties of Nationalism: Communities, Narratives, Identities (Cambridge University Press, 2023; with Maya Tudor).

Elpida Vogli

Elpida Vogli is Professor of Modern Greek History, Democritus University of Thrace, Department of History and Ethnology School of Classics and Humanities. She is the author of Works and Days of Greek Families, 1750–1940 (Athens: National Bank of Greece Cultural Foundation, 2005); “Greek by descent”: National Identity and Citizenship in Modern Greece, 1821–1844 (Heraklion: Crete University Press, 2007); Metaxa, the Real Story: The Development of a Greek Family Industry (Athens: Livanis, 2010); The remits of History in past and present (Athens, Pedio Books, 2023); and co-author of Greece-Italy … the same crisis? From the financial crisis to the pandemic (Athens: Asini, 2013).

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