Diversity, equality and higher education: a critical reflection on the ab/uses of equity discourse within widening participation

Abstract

This paper discusses how the rhetoric of ‘diversity’ is mobilised within New Labour HE policy discourse around widening participation (WP). The paper argues that these constructions of diversity derive an important element of their symbolic power from an association with notions of ‘equality’—and yet the radical/egalitarian potential of WP policy and practice is subverted and compromised by New Labour's pursuit of neoliberalism—to the extent that WP is rendered more a tool for social control than social justice. The paper is organised in two main parts: the first considers New Labour's promotion of ‘institutional diversity’—and how this is tied to ‘choice’. The second part discusses how ‘student diversity’ is being discursively mobilised within the context of ‘equality’ and ‘social inclusion’. It is argued that this common-sense linkage (between ‘equality’ and ‘diversity’) is conceptually untenable within New Labour policy and practice due to a privileging of the economic, the pursuit of institutional diversity, and the use of the market within higher education. It is argued that a diversity of students in HE cannot be taken as an indicator of greater ‘equality’ within the system, and attention is drawn to the ways in which ‘diversity’ may operate as a moral discourse that silences other competing (e.g., critical) accounts of WP.

Notes

1. Although it is interesting to note that the new Secretary for Education, Alan Johnson, has recently been reported as saying that he has no ‘fixation’ with the 50% target, prompting speculation as to whether it might be abandoned in the future, see http://www.news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/education/5210642.stm.

2. This paper primarily addresses the ‘mainstream’ English HE sector. The plurality and diversity of the UK higher education sector is acknowledged (e.g., the provision of ‘higher education’ is not restricted to ‘universities’, nor do all universities conform to a standard form—the Open University being a case in point). The forms of higher education and the developments in widening participation policy in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are also important and worthy of discussion. However, for purposes of manageability and clarity of argument, this article adopts a narrower and more specific focus.

3. The economic rationale for expansion is highly contested (e.g., see Hogarth et al., 1997). The CIHE, for instance, argues that expansion is sustainable and necessary, whereas the British Chambers of Commerce, Keep and Mayhew (1996) and Brown and Hesketh (2004) argue to the contrary.

4. See Levitas (2005) for a critique of New Labour's use and espousal of social inclusion.

5. In which ‘customers’/clients includes not only students, but increasingly many other ‘users’ of research products, such as public sector institutions, industry and commerce.

6. The analysis of Ainley (2003) draws on Mackney (2002) in the case of FE, and Allen (2003).

7. Ainley relates these distinctions to the old British tripartite school system of grammar schools, secondary moderns and technical colleges.

8. These distinctions are also played out within further education and compulsory education: for instance, Ainley suggests that sixth form colleges might constitute the ‘gold standard’, Centres of Vocational Excellence the silver, and general FE the bronze levels within further education. Likewise, ‘beacon’ schools might map onto gold, specialist schools the silver, and ‘bog standard’ comprehensives the bronze levels within compulsory schooling.

9. See Margaret Hodge MP's comment about ‘Mickey Mouse’ courses (14/1/03) and the ensuing furore: http://www.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/education/2655127.

10. See http://www.dfes.gov.uk/hegateway/hereform/offa.index.cfm.

11. This ‘economics of diversity’ discourse is also evident in other sectors, for example in drives to recruit more women and minority ethnic groups into certain occupations and roles, where the benefits have also be framed in terms of increasing an organisation's knowledge and reach into these particular markets (e.g., see www.setwomenresource.org.uk).

12. See www.setwomenresource.org.uk.

13. Alongside the introduction of financial incentives (e.g., the Education Maintenance Allowance), alternative sources of support have been withdrawn (e.g., right to claim income support), making it more difficult or financially punitive for young people to ‘opt out’ of education.

14. Indeed, few regarded the value of a degree as being the development of higher level skills—degrees were viewed in instrumental terms as economic or social passports—a ‘bit of paper’ or a ‘foot in the door’ that might also ‘make my mum proud’. Degrees were regarded as intrinsically less valuable than ‘experience’ and ‘common sense’.

15. Indeed, it has been argued that New Labour's commitment to neoliberalism and market principles is inherently contradictory to and corrosive of the very values of HE and the ‘quality’ of HE (Nixon, 2004), and to the achievement of the knowledge economy (Davies et al., forthcoming).