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Original Articles

Modernism and nationalism

Pages 13-34 | Published online: 17 Feb 2012
 

Abstract

Various scholars have addressed nationalism as a distinctive political ideology. The majority of them recognize it as a product of modernity and as inseparable from it. This article begins by accepting this view, identifying the spread of nationalism as part of a broader process of Westernization. However, the all-encompassing ideological dimension and common thread hovering above nationalism is identified here as modernism—that is, the sum of ideological discourses, artistic expressions and political practices gravitating around the ‘need to be modern’. Modernist notions like ‘progress’, ‘growth’, ‘advancement’ and ‘development’ have been largely conceived within national frameworks and applied within a world of ‘nation-states’. Moreover, given the selective ways in which ruling elites used the vocabulary of modernity, the very ‘perlocutionary’ effect of labelling opponents as ‘anti-modern’ often became a sufficient condition for their exclusion. The article discusses whether modernism can be identified as an ideology on its own and whether its triumph was indissociable from nationalism. It concludes that nationalism belonged to a broader modernist discourse that thoroughly accompanied the expansion of modernity.

Acknowledgements

My most sincere thanks to my colleague John K. Walton (University of the Basque Country) for his invaluable suggestions and comments in drafting the final text.

Notes

  * The author of this article is Research Professor at IKERBASQUE, the Basque Foundation for Science, Bilbao, Spain.

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  3. See for instance, A. D. Smith, Ethno-symbolism and Nationalism: A Cultural Approach (London: Routledge, 2009). D. Brown, Contemporary Nationalism: Civic, Ethnocultural and Multicultural Politics (London: Routledge, 2000).

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 14. Smith, Ethno-symbolism and Nationalism, op. cit., Ref. 3, Smith, ‘Dating the nation’, op. cit., Ref. 13.

 15. R. Tagore, Nationalism (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1917), p. 15. See P. C. Hogan and L. Pandit (Eds), Rabindranath Tagore: Universality and Tradition (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2003).

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 18. Kallis, ibid.

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 21. Z. Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press/Cambridge: Polity/Blackwell, 1989).

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 23. O. Bartov, Mirrors of Destruction: War, Genocide, and Modern Identity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); B. D. Lieberman, Terrible Fate: Ethnic Cleansing in the Making of Modern Europe (Chicago, IL: Ivan R. Dee Publisher, 2006); D. Conversi, ‘Cultural homogenization, ethnic cleansing and genocide’, in R. A. Denemark (Ed.) The International Studies Encyclopaedia (Oxford/Boston, MA: Wiley-Blackwell 2010), pp. 719–742.

 24. H. Rae, State Identities and the Homogenisation of Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 124–162; M. Mann, The Dark Side of Democracy. Explaining Ethnic Cleansing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 111–178; Lieberman, ibid., pp. 80–150; Ungor, The Making of Modern Turkey, op. cit., Ref. 22.

 25. E. J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1994). The book also includes the post-war period till 1991.

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 31. The literature on ‘American century’ is vast, with possibly one milestone work: V. de Grazia, Irresistible Empire. America's Advance through Twentieth-Century Europe (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005). For the impact of World War I on the rights of US citizens, see C. Capozzola, Uncle Sam Wants You: World War I and the Making of the Modern American Citizen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).

 32. Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, op. cit., Ref. 27.

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 36. E. Gellner, Thought and Change (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964).

 37. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, op. cit., Ref. 9.

 38. Kedourie, Nationalism, op. cit., Ref. 11.

 39. Smith, Ethno-symbolism and Nationalism, op. cit., Ref. 14, Chapter 2.

 40. Smith, Myths and Memories of the Nation, op. cit., Ref. 13, p. 256; and Smith, Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History, op. cit., Ref 13, p. 9.

 41. Smith, Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History, ibid., p. 22.

 42. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism, op. cit., Ref. 13, p. 116.

 43. M. Freeden, ‘Is nationalism a distinct ideology?’, Political Studies, 46(4) (1998), pp. 748—765, 750.

 44. Ibid.

 45. See also P. S. Martin, ‘A discursive reading of the emergence of Asturian nationalist ideology’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 7(1) (2002), pp. 97–116.

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 48. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism, op. cit., Ref. 13, p. 116.

 49. M. Billig, Banal Nationalism (London/Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1995), p. 22.

 50. H. Arendt, On Violence (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1970), p. 21.

 51. Cited by B. Sanders, The Private Death of Public Discourse (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1998), p. 62; and C. Seligman, Sontag & Kael: Opposites Attract Me (New York: Counterpoint Press, 2005), p. 67.

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 54. This goes much beyond the largely literary and artistic quarrel developed in the 1690s in France, the querelle des Anciens et des Modernes, as a seemingly vacuous infighting between two elitist views, one (the Anciens) supporting the eternal validity of classic authors, the other (the Modernes) supporting the need for new authors to come forward and surpass the knowledge of the classics. Of course, a dispute of the very notions of ‘progress’ as a supreme truth was at stake. For a ‘presentist’ and quite chronocentric rendering of this dispute, see J. E. DeJean, Ancient Against Moderns: Culture Wars and the Making of a Fin de Siècle (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1997).

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 69. M. Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988).

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 71. Ibid.

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 73. R. Secher, A French Genocide: The Vendée (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2003). In his original French version, Secher used the term génocide franco-français: Le Génocide Franco-Français: La Vendée-Vengé, 1st edn (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1986). See also A. Jones, ‘Why gendercide? Why root-and-branch? A comparison of the Vendée uprising of 1793–94 and the Bosnian war of the 1990s’, Journal of Genocide Research, 8(1) (2006), pp. 9–25; F. Lebrun, ‘La guerre de Vendée: Massacre ou génocide?’ L'Histoire, 78 (1985), pp. 93–99.

 74. See D. Bloxham, The Final Solution: A Genocide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). In the 1990s, egalitarian Jacobin directives permeated the discourse of Rwanda's genocidal leaders, such as ‘to ban, once and for all, the spirit of intrigue and feudal mentality’ and to extol ‘the valuation of labour’. See P. Verwimp, ‘Development ideology, the peasantry and genocide: Rwanda represented in Habyarimana's speeches’, Journal of Genocide Research, 2(3) (2000), pp. 325–361.

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 77. Ibid., pp. 114–119. See Ungor, The Making of Modern Turkey, op. cit., Ref. 22.

 78. P. U. Verwimp, Aiding Violence: The Development Enterprise in Rwanda (West Hartford, CT: Kumarian Press, 1998).

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 80. O. Figes, Natasha's Dance: A Cultural History of Russia (London: Allen Lane, 2002), p. 463.

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 84. R. Gellately, Backing Hitler: Consent and Coercion in Nazi Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 216. Moreover, ‘Porsche was not shy in meetings with the SS and pushed to get his war. The Volkswagen Works under Porsche's direction established a concentration camp with the revealing name of “Arbeitsdorf ”, or Work Village’ (ibid., p. 216).

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 96. Billig's study of ‘rhetorical psychology’ is specifically dedicated to ideology. See M. Billig, Ideology and Opinions: Studies in Rhetorical Psychology (London: Sage Publications, 1991).

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104. D. Webb, ‘On mosques and malls: Understanding Khomeinism as a source of counter-hegemonic resistance to the spread of global consumer culture’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 10(1) (2005), pp. 95–119.

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117. B. R. Barber, Jihad vs. McWorld (New York: Times Books/Ballantine Books, 1996); O. Roy, Globalized Islam: The Search for a new Ummah (New York: Columbia University Press, in association with Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales, 2004); B. Schaebler, ‘Civilizing others: global modernity and the local boundaries (French/German, Ottoman, and Arab) of savagery’, in B. Schaebler and L. Stenberg (Eds) Globalization and the Muslim World. Culture, Religion, and Modernity (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2004).

118. L. Wacquant, ‘From slavery to mass incarceration: rethinking the “race question” in the United States’, in D. P. Macedo and P. Gounari (Eds) The Globalization of Racism (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2006), pp. 94–110.

119. A. Weiss, ‘The racism of globalization’, in Macedo and Gounari (Eds), The Globalization of Racism (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2006); D. P. Macedo and P. Gounari, ‘Globalization and the unleashing of new racism: an introduction’, in Macedo and Gounari (Eds), The Globalization of Racism (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2006), pp. 3–35.

120. Given its pervasive presence, modernism is obviously more than a frame, discourse or mentalité. However, this article's scope does not allow space to identify it as an autonomous political movement, or as a coherent set of ideas orienting the direction of other modern political movements. This would have possibly required defining its support basis, describing its specific political programme and identifying its orientation ‘towards the formulation of public policy’.

121. Elsewhere, I have identified the slow emergence of ‘survival cosmopolitanism’ as a possible framework for addressing the looming modernist crisis from the perspective of political ideology (D. Conversi. ‘Climate change, state nationalism and the emergence of survival cosmopolitanism’ (unpublished manuscript).

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