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Articles

The double-sidedness of Hindutva: Inside the BJP’s think tanks

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Pages 121-141 | Published online: 26 May 2022
 

ABSTRACT

This article examines the BJP’s attempt to build centres of elite, traditional intellectuals by bringing together a variety of stakeholders in government and civil society. While dismantling advisory committees and attacking universities and established research institutions, the BJP has sought to build think tanks to give its political ideology a footprint in already established policy networks. Some scholars have characterized the BJP’s think tanks as institutions of ‘soft Hindutva’, that is, organizations that avoid overt association with the BJP and Hindu nationalist linkages but pursue a diffuse Hindutva agenda nevertheless. Through a study of the BJP’s two most prominent think tanks, I examine how such organizations build an alternative sense of respectable intellectual legitimacy, consolidate Hindutva networks across political, administrative, and military fields, and build a ‘mimetic’ Hindutva intellectual culture. The think tanks negotiate a fine balance between projecting a ‘respectable’ religious conservatism along with an aggressive Hindu majoritarianism. My findings demonstrate how manifestations of Hindutva can be both explicitly political and anti-political at the same time: advocating for political interventionism while eschewing politics and forging an apolitical route towards cultural transformation.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

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8. Anderson, ibid.

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14. Triple talaq refers to a practice within Sunni Muslim communities that allows Muslim men to divorce and abandon their wives by saying or writing the word ‘talaq’ three times. Those who campaigned to criminalize this practice on the Hindu right did so under the guise of protecting Muslim women from being abandoned by their husbands without any accountability. While there is some validity to this argument, women’s groups have also argued that criminalizing this practice rather than invalidating it could prevent husbands from paying post-divorce dues, leaving their wives and children without financial security and at risk to vengeful family members (J. Jones, ‘Will criminalising triple talaq help India’s muslim women?’, QZ (2019)). Instead of assuring post-divorce security, the Hindu right’s focus on criminalizing triple talaq primarily targets Muslim communities and reinforces the rhetoric of Muslim women as victims to regressive Muslim men. These debates are part of a larger contention within Indian legal rights between instituting a Uniform Civil Code instead of allowing religion-specific Personal Laws.

15. Article 370 of the Constitution, instituted by Prime Minister Nehru, India’s first prime minister, gave special status to the region of Muslim-dominated Kashmir to retain some level of autonomy, its own constitution, flag, and right to amend its own laws. By dismantling Article 370, the BJP government has laid stake to Kashmir as Indian territory, ostensibly to ‘bring development’ to the region (BBC News, ‘What happened in Kashmir and why it matters’ (2019)). Yet, in most ways, this move has led to increased military occupation, state shutdowns, curfews, and violence by the Indian state.

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58. Humphrys, ‘Anti-politics’,op. cit., Ref. 23.

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60. L. Tribe, ‘Policy Science: Analysis or Ideology?’, Philosophy and Public Affairs, 2/1 (1972), pp. 66-110.

61. Van Dijk, ‘Ideology and discourse analysis’, op. cit., Ref. 48, p. 132.

62. Hodge, ‘Ideology, Identity, Interaction’, op. cit., Ref. 37.

63. Anderson, ‘“Neo-Hindutva”: Asia House’, op. cit., Ref. 1.

64. Reddy, ‘What is neo- about neo-Hindutva?’, op. cit., Ref. 6.

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