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Abstract
Most scholarly and public perceptions and analyses of political Islam are beset by prejudice and misunderstandings. Political Islam movements are presented as irrational and obstinate, stubbornly refusing to change despite the circumstances with rigid beliefs and political tactics with an anti-democratic orientation. This article argues that the relationship between political Islam and democracy as a whole, and its participation in the political process in the modern state, are expressions of the unique situation of each Islamic political movement and its leaders. Islamic political movements actually take a wide range of positions on democracy and have diverse approaches to participation in elections. This stems from their unique relationship with the regime and the state.
Notes
In the Egyptian case this is true until the beginning of the popular revolt against Mubarak in the 25th of January 2011.
On the development of the Muslim Brotherhood, on the political and theoretical levels, as well as its stance on the issue of state and regime, see Ayubi (Citation1989), Choueiri (Citation1996), Mitchell (Citation1969), Moussalli, (Citation1993, Citation1999) and Zollner (Citation2009).
See the full report at http://madanya.net/?p=4510 (Arabic) [accessed on 13 December 2010].
In the internal vote by the movement's advisory council, 98% of the members supported participating in the elections, 86% supported running for 30% of the parliamentary seats (as against 20% in 2005). The Brotherhood ran 130 candidates, including 13 women contesting the seats reserved for women.
See the full study on the website of the Muslim Brotherhood: http://www.ikhwanonline.com/Article.asp?ArtID=71720&SecID=391 (Arabic) [accessed on 15 November 2010].
See http://www.ikhwanonline.com/Article.asp?ArtID=71923&SecID=390 (Arabic) [accessed 15 on November 2010].
See http://www.ikhwanonline.com/Article.asp?ArtID=71865&SecID=210 (Arabic) [accessed on 15 November 2010].
See, for instance, the report of the Ibn Khaldun Center for Democratic Research: http://madanya.net/?p=4554 (Arabic); the report of the Egyptian Alliance for Transparent Elections: http://madanya.net/?p=4534 (Arabic); the report of the New World and Human Rights Institute: http://madanya.net/?p=4510 (Arabic); and the report of the Independent Alliance for Transparency in Elections: http://madanya.net/?p=4460 (Arabic) [accessed on 15 November 2010].
The Jordanian National Assembly is bicameral. The Chamber of Deputies, which is elected by districts, makes up the majority of the National Assembly (until the 1999 elections, there were 80 members of the Chamber of Deputies; in the 2003 elections, their number rose to 110; and for the 2010 elections, the number increased to 120). The 55 members of the Assembly of Notables or Senate (Majlis al-Ayan) are appointed by the king.
The connection between the two organizations was clear; the institutions of the Islamic Action Front party were controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood, and the deputy General Guide of the movement served as chairman of the party's advisory council (for further details see Azem Citation1997).
Until this time, elections were by district, and each voter could select a number of candidates equal to the number of delegates from that district. This allowed voters to split their vote and support candidates from a specific tribe, clan, or ethnic group, together with representatives from the Muslim Brotherhood.
Because the size of the Chamber of Deputies was increased that year from 80 to 110, this showing represented a setback for the Muslim Brotherhood.
See http://www.alwatanvoice.com/arabic/news/2007/03/20/79929.html (Arabic) [accessed on 12 August 2010].
The Jordanian National Assembly is composed of two main houses. The Chamber of Deputies, whose members are elected in regional elections, make up the majority of the National Assembly (currently 120 seats). The 55 members of the Assembly of Notables or Senate (Majlis al-Ayan) are appointed by the king.
On 23 November 2009.
See http://www1.albawaba.com/ar (Arabic) [accessed on 15 June 2010].
See http://www.bbc.co.uk/arabic/middleeast/2010/05/100519_jordan_elx_tc2.shtml (Arabic) [accessed on 15 June 2010].
See http://www1.albawaba.com/ar (Arabic) [accessed on 31 July 2010]. See also http://www.bbc.co.uk/arabic/middleeast/2010/07/100731_jordan_elections.shtml (Arabic) [accessed on 31 July 2010].
See http://www1.albawaba.com/ar (Arabic) [accessed on 31 July 2010].
Those boycotting the elections argued that the electoral districts gave added weight to supporters of the king (mostly the Bedouin), at the expense of the urban regions (mostly Palestinians). Therefore, the Islamic Front supported the return to the previous law, which allowed each voter to select a number of candidates equal to the number of delegates to be elected form the district. This allowed Jordanians to vote for their tribe's candidate along with a candidate representing the Muslim Brotherhood. The amendment that limited each voter to selecting a single candidate dealt a serious blow to the electoral prospects of Muslim Brotherhood candidates.
See http://www1.albawaba.com/ar (Arabic) [accessed on 19 September 2010].
See http://www1.albawaba.com/ar (Arabic) [accessed on 13 October 2010].
The turnout for elections over the past two decades was: 53% in 1989; 54% in 1993; 45% in 1997; 52% in 2003; and 57% in 2007. See http://www.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/B9CB89B9-3A8B-4B48-A70E-85178F8836B5.htm (Arabic) [accessed on 18 November 2010].
See http://www.bbc.co.uk/arabic/middleeast/2010/11/101110_elx_jordan.shtml (Arabic) [accessed on 18 November 2010].
See, for instance, the position of the General Guide of the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, Dr Sa'id: http://www.ikhwanjo.com/#3 5747 (Arabic) [accessed on 18 November 2010].
See the public statement by the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood on its official website: http://www.ikhwanjo.com/#3 5785 (Arabic) [accessed on 18 November 2010].