From Secessionist Mobilization to Sub-state Nationalism? Assessing the Impact of Consociationalism and Devolution on Irish Nationalism in Northern Ireland

Abstract

Survey evidence has demonstrated that support for a united Ireland from Catholics in Northern Ireland is markedly declining. Simultaneously, electoral support for the secessionist Sinn Féin party has substantially risen in the region since 1998. Critics have attributed Sinn Féin's electoral growth to consociational power sharing, which they argue rewards ethnic hardline parties. At the same time, many of these critics predicted that consociationalism would exacerbate secessionist sentiment within nationalism, a prognostication now contradicted by survey data. In analysing this paradox, we argue that there is not a switching of identities—from Irish nationalism to UK unionism—but the repositioning of Irish nationalism from a secessionist movement to a sub-state nationalism mobilizing for more resources within devolution. In explaining this, we illuminate how consociationalism allied to devolution can, if the right endogenous and exogenous supporting factors are mobilized, lead to the repositioning of identities within a regional rather than zero-sum national context.

Keywords:

• Northern Ireland
• consociationalism
• devolution
• nationalism

Notes

The Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (2011), Module: Political Attitudes (NIRELND2). See http://www.ark.ac.uk/nilt/ (accessed 27 Feb 2013).

There is an argument that NILT results unwittingly under-represent preferences for a united Ireland. This is because historically Catholics in Northern Ireland have been wary of outwardly showing support for a united Ireland given that it is often seen as commensurate with IRA support. However, the disbanding of the IRA in 2005, allied to Sinn Féin as an increasingly moderate party that courts votes across all Catholic demographics, has made declarations of support for Irish unity less stigmatized. Yet, as noted, rather than increasing, Catholic preferences for a united Ireland are declining.

Sub-state nationalism refers to minority national groups located within a larger state which mobilize behind nationalist political parties. These groups do not necessarily desire independence, but may wish to have their distinct national identities accommodated within the existing state via forms of regional autonomy (Kymlicka, 2007: 68).

For example, some consociations have obliged voters to select candidates only within their own ethnic segment, cross-community parties have been proscribed and ministerial seats and public positions allocated in advance of elections (e.g. Ta'if, Dayton, Cyprus (1960) and Burundi). While the Belfast Agreement is largely ‘liberal’, two aspects are corporatist: the system of designation for elected officials to the Northern Ireland Assembly and the veto. Assembly rules require the 108 elected politicians to register as either ‘nationalist’, ‘unionist’ or ‘other’ (non-unionist or nationalist) to ensure that when policy votes are taken, nationalists and unionists possess a mutual veto to act against majority ethnic lock-in where minority groups are excluded from the decision making process. The veto is thus corporatist as it reserves specific rights to groups and not to individuals.

The Flags and Emblem (Display) Act (NI) of 1954 which forbade the public display of so-called “provocative emblems” in Northern Ireland had the de facto intention of proscribing the use of nationalist symbols.

Although the Belfast Agreement is an international treaty between the UK and the Republic of Ireland, all aspects of the Agreement are revisable according to the will of the Westminster parliament, even if this entails the UK breaking its treaty obligations (McGarry and O'Leary, 2009: 36).

Only 19% of Scots surveyed stated that their primary identity was British compared to 52% of English whose primary identity is British (see http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/blog/2011/oct/06/national-identity-disunited-kingdom-debate (accessed 7 March 2013)).

In the autumn of 2014 the electorate of Scotland will vote on the issue of Scottish independence. The option of voting for ‘Devo Max was’ was considered but finally omitted.