Decentralized Governance under Centralized Party Rule in Ethiopia: The Tigray Experience

Abstract

In the mid-1990s Ethiopia adopted a federal constitution promising regional autonomy and the creation and strengthening of local government units below the regional level. Some observers attribute the various shortcomings of Ethiopian federalism that have emerged since then to the original institutional/constitutional design. This paper, however, argues that what is not in the constitution has come to influence the workings of decentralization more than what is codified in it. The dominant national party in power, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), either directly or through affiliates, controls political office at all levels of government, thereby limiting the room for local initiative and autonomy. The presence of a national dominant party limits the responsiveness and downward accountability of Wereda (district) authorities; it also undermines political competition, and by extension, good governance at the grassroots level. The paper is based on field research carried out in the Tigray regional state of Ethiopia. The conclusion is that when one party dominates the politics of the region and its institutions, extra-constitutional intra-party politics determine how things work, thereby subjugating localities’ autonomy and impeding their ability to deliver on promises of decentralization.

Key Words:

• Federal decentralization
• local autonomy
• dominant party systems
• Tigray
• Ethiopia

Acknowledgements

The author is very grateful to Jan Erk for his precious advices and invaluable comments on earlier drafts of this piece. The views expressed are, however, solely the responsibility of the author.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, and the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State (SNNPR) are the so-called ‘big regions’, directly controlled by EPRDF's member parties—the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO) and the Southern Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Movement (SEPDM) respectively. The remaining regions—Afar, Ethiopian-Somali, Gambella, Benshangul-Gumuz and Harar—are also labelled as ‘emerging regions’ that fall under the rule of EPRDF's affiliates, respectively of the Afar National Democratic Party (ANDP), Ethiopian-Somali People's Democratic Party (ESPDP), Gambella People's Democratic Movement (GPDM), Benshangul-Gumuz People's Democratic Party (BGPDP) and Harar National League (HNL).

2 Before the coming to power of Emperor Menelik II in 1889, Tigray included the present-day state of Eritrea. However, it lost that territory when Emperor Menelik II compromised with Italians by acquiescing in the loss of that territory (Erlich, 1994: 72); he recognized its border with Ethiopia in 1889 and confirmed it in 1896 (Bereket, 1980: 2–3; also Aseffa, 1999: 5).

3 In some regions (like Amhara and SNNPR), where territorially concentrated ethnic minorities exist, Special Zones are formed with the aim of accommodating diversity.

4 Wereda Subha-Sae'sie and Wereda Tsaeda-Emba have been merged into one, named Wereda Sae'sie Tsaeda Emba. However, the people of the lost Wereda have repeatedly been claiming for their prior Wereda status, demanding better development (infrastructure, trading activities, etc.) and governance in their vicinity though the answer was/is unfortunate. This case is in fact similar to many other Weredas of the region.

5 The informant was a delegation member of the swallowed Wereda in 2005 who went to the region to ask for the restoration of the Wereda status; he was also member of the Wereda council at that time.

6 The debate was made among EPRDF, Medrek (Forum), Andnet (Unity) for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), Semayawi (Blue) Party, and New Generation Party (NGP).

7 The informant is currently Public Relations Officer of Arena-Tigray, the only regional opposition party.

8 The informant is currently TPLF cadre, a council member in Wereda “Sa'esi'e Tsa'eda Emba.”

9 In fact, in Tigray alone more than 60 000 died and more than 100 000 were disabled (not to mention other economic, moral and psychological devastations) in the fight against the brutal dictatorial regime. If truth be told, however, the people of Tigray have also paid supreme sacrifices in defending against colonialism and preserving the country's independence. Tigray has served as the main battlefield for almost all foreign attacks on Ethiopia (see Erlich, 1994: 53–72), spent its human and material potentials in the preservation of Ethiopia's territorial integrity, and served as a candle which consumed itself to give light to the country (Kinfe, 1994 quoted in Berhanu, 2007: 63).

10 Mekelle is the capital of Tigray (the birth place of TPLF, which is said to be leading party in the coalition, EPRDF); and their properties were to be collected to a Kebele found in Addis Ababa City, the federal capital.