The legacy of racism and Indigenous Australian identity within education

Abstract

It may be argued that the emerging discourses focusing on the social, emotional, educational, and economic disadvantages identified for Australia’s First Peoples (when compared to their non-Indigenous counterparts) are becoming increasingly dissociated with an understanding of the interplay between historical and current trends in racism. Additionally, and if not somewhat related to this critique, it can be suggested that the very construction of research from a Western perspective of Indigenous identity (as opposed to identities) and ways of being are deeply entwined within the undertones of epistemological racism still prevalent today. It is the purpose of this article to move beyond the overreliance of outside-based understanding Western epistemologies, and to explore not only the complex nature of both racism and identity from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander perspectives, but to also explore the role of education and research in perpetuating varying levels of racism and resistance to Indigenous identity(ies) from a contemporary insider-based standpoint. It is hoped this article will shed some light on the pervasive nature of racism directed at Indigenous Australians, and highlight the need for the continual acceptance, respect, and promotion of Indigenous voices and identities within the educational environment and beyond.

Keywords:

• Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples
• Indigenous education
• racism
• identity
• resilience
• epistemology

Education has often been cited as one of the most critical factors in influencing a variety of quality of life standards across most Western countries, and has become widely recognised as a pivotal point of intervention for righting the inequities suffered by people from traditionally disadvantaged backgrounds (Shkolnikov et al. 2006). Unfortunately, many lifelong inequalities can often be perpetuated within the very education systems that should act as one of the strongest tools to redress such inequalities (Bodkin-Andrews and Carlson 2013). More specifically, from the perspective of Australia’s Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people (Indigenous Australians),¹ it is indisputable that we have faced a long history of educational inequities when compared to our non-Indigenous counterparts. It is this history, Tripcony has argued, that has seen the Indigenous place within Australian society as one of the ‘lowest rung on the ladder’ (2000, 10). This observation is especially potent when considering that even in the contemporary context, Indigenous Australians have been identified as being at greater risk for lower levels of unemployment, greater contact with the justice system, and increased negative physical health and mental health complications (see Table 1).

Table 1. Example of current inequalities faced by Indigenous Australians.

• The life expectancy of Indigenous Australians is 67.2 years for males (78.8 for non-Indigenous males) and 72.9  years for females 82.6 for non-Indigenous females); • Rates of death due to endocrine, metabolic, and nutritional disorders were six to seven times higher when compared to non-Indigenous Australians; • Indigenous Australians are three to five times more likely to die from infectious diseases; • Indigenous Australians are 2.5 to four times more likely to die from respiratory diseases.

Economic

• 65% of Indigenous Australians are in the labour force, compared to 79% of non-Indigenous Australians; • 49% of Indigenous Australian families were in the lowest income quartile, compared to 20% of non-Indigenous Australians

Education

• The retention rate of Indigenous students into Year 12 was 47%, compared to 79% for Indigenous Australians; • 75% of Indigenous students in Years 3 and 7 met the minimum national standards for reading and numeracy, compared to 95% of non-Indigenous students.

Note:

See Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2011).

Despite this, both the popular media and selected academic perspectives may be argued to promote varying degrees of resistance to acknowledging the ongoing impact of such inequality (e.g. Johns 2011), whilst also ignoring the legacy of racism that may be argued to simultaneously perpetuate inequities and attack the very identities of Indigenous Australians. It is the purpose of this article to explore how varying dimensions of racism have not only been imbedded into the rhetoric of disadvantage, but also that the very constructions of a pan-Indigenous identity (simply Indigenous or not) within research has been formulated largely from the foundations of biased Eurocentric epistemologies. To more fully understand the limitations of such outsider-based epistemologies, researchers must move beyond (although not necessarily discard) the Western lens, and embrace both the complexity, uniqueness and validity of valuable insider knowledge and research that has been traditionally discarded due to its alleged lack of methodological rigour (Merriam et al. 2001). Critiques of this approach, from the Indigenous lenses of both the authors of this article, reveal that when such a limited worldview so easily misrepresents the diversity of Indigenous identities today (Moreton-Robinson 2011; Walter 2010), it becomes apparent that the insidious effects of epistemological racism still plagues the Indigenous Australian educational research agenda.

With the emergence of diverse Indigenous Research Methodologies and Standpoints (e.g. Martin 2008; Smith 2012; Walter and Andersen 2013), we argue that valuable insider knowledge has produced an array of critical and corrective insights into research that has too often promoted racialised, non-Indigenous, outsider perspectives (especially surrounding Indigenous identities). Whilst it has been argued that such outsider perspectives have driven the agenda of Indigenous disadvantage and minimalised recognition of the complexities and strengths of diverse Indigenous experiences and expertise for a considerable period of time (Moreton-Robinson 2011; Walter 2010), care must also be taken to recognise where outsider epistemologies may have been unquestioningly adopted by some Indigenous researchers, thus falling into the trap of imposed self-fulfilling prophecies of non-Indigenous realities (Foley 2003; Nakata 2012). It is not until all Australian (and other) researchers recognise and own the racism than emerges from their epistemological foundations, imposed or not (Scheurich and Young 1997), that the true strengths behind Indigenous Australian identities can be understood within the educational setting.

Indigenous education?

Before critiquing the role of Indigenous identity(ies) in the current academic research climate, it is important one has, at the very least, a basic understanding of the role of education in perpetuating the misinformation directed at Indigenous Australians today. Indeed, the history of educational policies, programmes, and attitudes targeting Indigenous people has been for the most part extremely negative in its orientation and results, to the extent that this ‘history has left a tragic legacy to the educational outcomes and opportunities of Aboriginal young people. Generations of racist-inspired policies produced intergenerational underachievement and alienation’ (Beresford 2012, 119). Indeed, what is obvious from a glance at the historical (and in some cases current) educational trends are that the aims and quality of education has differed drastically for Indigenous and non-Indigenous students. The embedded connotation of these differing standards was directly related to the negative attitudes of the non-Indigenous providers of ‘education’, and also the early political, social, and scientific attitudes directed at Indigenous cultures as a whole (Beresford 2012). Although it may be argued that such an approach is no longer accepted today, the continual resistance towards teachings of traditional cultural values, learnings, and identities has echoed through what has been identified as the differing eras (e.g. colonial, missionary, protectionist, and assimilative) of Indigenous education within Australia (see Beresford 2012; Bodkin-Andrews and Carlson 2013; Martin 2008 for reviews). Ultimately, it must be noted that the overarching theme of historical policies in Indigenous education were designed with the intent to erase the existence and/or visibility of Indigenous Australians and assimilate ‘part-Indigenous’ people into the mainstream, white Australia, thus attempting to stop the survival of Indigenous cultural practices and values (Beresford 2012).

The integration and inclusion of Aboriginal cultures

Towards the end of the 1960s, an increasing awareness of the failure of commonly cited protectionist and assimilation orientated policies within education became apparent, and policy instead moved to focus on more integrative direction in education (Beresford 2012; Ranzijn, McConnochie, and Nolan 2009). Although similar to the assimilative approach of seeking a greater representation of Indigenous students in the education system, policies implementing the integration ideal sought not to overtly override and demean the importance of Indigenous cultures, but rather to begin to include and emphasise Indigenous communities, and their cultures and values as an essential part of wider Australian society.

There is a general consensus that the era of cultural integration and inclusion realised considerable improvements in nearly all levels of education for Indigenous students (Ainsworth and McRae 2009; Sarra 2011). Indeed, within a major consultative review of Indigenous education within the Australia (NSW Aboriginal Education Consultative Group Incorporated and the NSW Department of Education and Training [NSW AECG & DEC] 2004), it was found that although the inequalities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students still continue, evidence emerged for strong ‘pockets’ of educational and community commitment and success. Central to the conclusions of this report was the recognition of the values and lessons emanating from Indigenous cultures, which is notably the most critical aspect to the more recent integrative or inclusive educational practices and policies. Arguably, one of the most successful set of culturally inclusive initiatives, is that of the What Works Program (see McRae et al. 2000; Ainsworth and McRae 2009), where a diversity of culturally relevant methods and studies sought to directly tackle pedagogical practices including: cultural inclusion, school engagement and participation, community partnerships, self-confidence, feedback strategies, development of achievement skills, discrimination and racism, and peer and teacher relationships (McRae et al. 2000).

In reviewing the overall trends associated with over 50 projects, McRae et al. (2000) suggest that it is imperative that Indigenous students themselves must be given respect, their culture be both respected and included in the education system, that they have the benefit of quality teaching practices, and that they regularly attend school to experience these strategies (see also Sarra 2011). From this, they argue that:

A platform for marked and significant improvement in outcomes is beginning to emerge. The structural and cultural impediments are not as strong as they once were. The time for making improvement really is now. (McRae et al. 2000, 180)

Such improvements though must be respectful of the diversity and strength of Indigenous cultural values, and should never be, as McRae (2006) argued, some simple condescending caricature of what is Aboriginality (e.g. over-use of misrepresented dot-paintings). Indigenous cultures and values incorporate traditional teachings and cultural laws, traditional and contemporary artistic and scientific expressions, and a recognition of what has influenced, and influences, Indigenous ways of thinking, living and learning that are framed both in historical and contemporary contexts. What is more, it can be argued that the diversity of the Indigenous identity is becoming increasingly critical to understand what is Australia (Carlson 2013; Fredericks 2013; Nakata 2012; Sarra 2011), and this is evident in what Indigenous knowledge is offering not only all of Australia’s children, but academic and scientific professionals. Indeed, the knowledge of practices and traditions of Indigenous Australians is becoming increasingly recognised by the education and scientific communities, whether it is through the sharing of unique and environmentally sustainable land and water management strategies, the medicinal properties of native plants, thousands of years of knowledge on climate change, and the effectiveness of traditional ways of teaching and learning (Bodkin 2013; Fogarty 2012; Sarra 2011).

With inclusive teaching strategies becoming increasingly apparent within Australia’s education system, it is hoped, and that this will have a positive impact on the engagement of Indigenous students to the education system. As a multicultural country the future of Indigenous students are tied to the future of all Australians and their acceptance of the importance of Indigenous cultures. As argued by Burridge (1999), it is not until an adequate understanding of past and present Indigenous inequities exists, that the true process of healing such inequities may begin. It may be argued though that one of the greatest barriers to overcoming the inequities suffered by Indigenous Australians is the combined assault of ignorance and racism still existing in Australia today (Dunn and Nelson 2011; Skinner et al. 2013), and the continued attacks on the personal and shared identities of Indigenous Australians (Carlson 2013; Fredericks 2013; Moreton-Robinson 2011).

Colonial constructions and contemporary contestations of Indigenous identity

In Australia, the contemporary identity struggles of Indigenous people, and the research that relates to it, cannot be understood without some understanding of the historical policy and regulatory context that: (1) governed Indigenous people; and (2) served to regulate who counts as Indigenous (Carlson 2011, 2013). Despite the existence of hundreds of self-identifying and named autonomous groups across the continent, the original inhabitants of Australia have always been understood and named by Europeans as a singular group – ‘the Aborigines’ (Bourke, Bourke, and Edwards 2006). This identifier is a European word and concept not an Indigenous one. The identification of ‘the Aborigine’ was historically constructed in European thought and imagination as the primitive native and understood in terms of distance from the ‘civilised’ European male who stood at the top of a global human racial and cultural hierarchy. This hierarchy was predicated on the concept of European cultural progress as the indicator of superior intelligence – and as measured via the meanings constructed through Enlightenment knowledge (Gascoigne 1994). This strand of European intellectual thought theorised a hierarchy of the progress of different human cultures in direct relation to biological and racial determinants. In this schema, ‘full-blood’ Indigenous people of Australia were ‘seen as archaic survivors from the dawn of man’s existence’ (Attwood and Markus 1997, 1).

While there have been differences across varying Australian State practices with regards to managing Indigenous people, consistency can be found in the ‘definition’ of Indigenous individuals, who have been historically and currently distinguished on an imposed quantum of Indigenous and/or European blood (McCorquodale 1986). It must be recognised that this application of racialised identification continues to be an administrative convenience for governments across Australia long after racial theorising was discredited in the intellectual domain (Gardiner-Garden 2003). Indeed today, Indigeneity is a central marker for the progress of Australian’s educational standards and sense of social justice.

A significant number of respected Indigenous Australian researchers have argued for the need of research to recognise that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people should not be considered as being ‘known’, but rather recognised and respected as ‘knowers’ (Fredericks 2013; Martin 2008; Moreton-Robinson 2011; Nakata 2012; Walter and Andersen 2013). Unfortunately, much research targeting Aboriginal identity has sought to understand Australia’s Indigenous people largely from the foundation of non-Aboriginal perspectives, methodologies, and measures (Carlson 2013). It is also critical to note that such a limited discourse on Indigenous identities has also emerged (or been imposed) within some Indigenous research settings and community contexts. For example, in a 2011 report on Aboriginality and identity, the New South Wales Aboriginal Education Consultative Group (NSW AECG 2011) found that across a number of Indigenous communities, ‘who has a right to identify’ was recognised as one of the most critical issues for Indigenous communities. Effectively, the report concluded that there was a general sense of community support towards a three-point definition of Aboriginality, where one must: (1) Identify as Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander; (2) One must have Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander heritage; and (3) One must be accepted by the Aboriginal community.

Whilst there was considerable emphasis throughout the report on the issues surrounding Aboriginal community acceptance (both positive and negative), the report itself focused largely on limited categorical definitions of Indigenous ethnicity (and community acceptance thereof), and thus may be argued to have been limited in its exploration of more intricate and diverse aspects of Indigenous identities. Indeed, one of the most prominent themes to emerge from the report was an emphasis on increasing concerns within Indigenous communities with regards to occurrences of fraudulent claims for Aboriginality. As already noted though, the framing of such an approach to Indigenous identity is one that has been imposed by non-Aboriginal authorities (Moreton-Robinson 2011; Nakata 2012), and the overemphasis of such a limited understanding of what it means to be Indigenous Australian may be argued to be of considerable detriment to the survival of the diversity of Indigenous Australian cultural practices and knowledge.

For example, consider the following argument by Pholi (2013), who has, in part, advocated for the abolishment of Indigenous identity solely due to its alleged association with victimisation mentalities and perceived socio-economic ‘benefits’ or welfare:

so up until fairly recently, people managed to function without such ‘identities’ to tell them who they were and what they needed. Perhaps people of Aboriginal decent will find they too are capable of flourishing in the absence of narrow and limiting Aboriginal Identity. (74)

For Pholi, definitions of identity centered not on diverse cultural knowledges and practices, but rather on an imposed limited Western standard and ‘compensatory’ benefits. Here it may be argued, that the end-game for Indigenous identity is non-identity. From this perspective, the words of Johns (2011, 291) may seem sadly prophetic, for ‘in so many ways the invocation of Aboriginal culture and cultural obligation (real or claimed) condemns the Aboriginal student to failure. … Aboriginal culture has no base in formal education.’ While such a conclusion may be ideologically pleasing for some, it must be recognised that such a positioning of Indigenous identity, especially within educational research setting, is mostly derived from racist underpinnings.

Adjusting the lens

Whilst it must be acknowledged that broad notions of pan-Indigenous identity may be important for many Indigenous Australians and their communities (NSW AECG 2011), Nakata (2012) warns that when:

… we draw our identities in a clean and simple counter-distinction to our perceptions and knowledge of what it means to be European … we distance ourselves from one very important part of our present inheritance … namely what it means to be Indigenous. (100)

An increasing number of respected Indigenous scholars have emerged within the Australian research setting to reveal that it is critical that researchers do not limit their perspectives to this imposed form of identity (Carlson 2013; Foley 2003; Fredericks 2013; Moreton-Robinson 2011; Nakata 2012; Walter 2010). Such researchers have revealed that within the academia milieu there is a much stronger knowledge base to be drawn from when trying to understand Indigenous ways of being and knowing. That is one must not solely focus on a particular methodology through the lens of Western ways of knowing, but rather seek to understand and embrace methodologies and findings emanating from Indigenous ways of knowing (e.g. Martin 2008; Smith 2012). It must be repeatedly emphasised that Indigenous knowledge systems have developed and continually evolved over a near immeasurable number of generations (Bodkin 2013; Fredericks 2013; Walter and Andersen 2013). It is critical that all researchers seeking to understand Indigenous education recognise, respect, and incorporate findings emerging from Indigenous Research Methodological standpoints. Indeed, the limitations of epistemological biases focusing on notions on pan-Indigenous identity within Indigenous education research have been strongly highlighted by Indigenous researchers who have offered more detailed and accurate understandings of Indigenous identities (Kickett-Tucker 2009).

A classic example can be found in the work on Indigenous Australian student self-perceptions which has emerged within the Australian educational and psychological research settings. Much of this research has centered on issues of prompting Western notions of self-esteem and self-concept within Indigenous Australian students (Bodkin-Andrews et al. 2010; Craven and Marsh 2004, Pedersen and Walker 2000; Purdie and McCrindle 2004; Yeung, Craven, and Ali 2013). While there is a considerable research base attesting to the positive effects of self-perceptions (especially academic) on school engagement and achievement for a wide diversity of students (Parker et al. 2014), Bodkin-Andrews, Dillon, and Craven (2010) note that much of the self-perceptions based research not only suggests that such self-perceptions are less positive for Indigenous students when compared with non-Indigenous students (especially academic, e.g. math self-concept), but they also tend to show weaker associations with schooling outcomes. Whilst it may be argued that simply expanding effort in increasing positive self-perceptions within the schooling environment may aid in ‘closing-the gap’ between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students, we argue that such a position falls firmly within the bounds of the epistemological biases within other-orientated Eurocentric thought.

What is obviously missing from a good portion of the self-perceptions research is any attempt to incorporate self-perceptions that are formulated from Indigenous perspectives. For example, whilst Bodkin-Andrews et al. (2010) provided strong evidence for the ‘statistical validity’ of 12 dimensions of self-concept for Indigenous Australians (math, English, general school, art, parental relations, same-sex peers, opposite-sex peers, physical appearance, physical abilities, honesty, emotional stability, and general self-concepts), these measures were largely drawn from international research. Kickett-Tucker (2009) on the other hand, in her interviews with Aboriginal school children who spoke of their own sense of self, found that they held nearly 30 diverse elements that were important to their self-perceptions as Indigenous youth (the largest portion of which were closely tied to their cultural identity). Of these elements, it may be argued that only five (friends, art, sport, appearance, family relations) had any overlap with the work of Bodkin-Andrew et al. (2010), thus clearly emphasising the limitations in imposing Western orientated research to Indigenous perceptions and experiences.

More recently, Dobia et al. (2014) identified and measured nine dimensions of Indigenous identity within a rural community, and found that for a small sample of Aboriginal high school students, not only were the dimensions of identity capturing Aboriginal Pride, Respect for Elders, Aboriginal History, Cultural Events, Aboriginal Protocols, Family Connections, Connection to Country, Connections to Mob, and wider Community Support all reported to be positive by the Indigenous students, but these dimensions of identity were significantly related to wide diversity of outcomes. For example, being connected to school was most strongly related to increased levels of participating in Cultural Events and knowledge of Aboriginal History, whereas an increased sense of resiliency was most strongly related to a stronger sense of Community Support, participating in Cultural Events, and respect for Aboriginal protocols. It was concluded, that in light of the strong and positive associations between varying dimensions of Indigenous identity, resiliency and schooling outcomes, the results ‘underscore[d] the importance for schools of taking Aboriginal culture seriously and the benefits of doing so. There is more that could be done … to affirm and celebrate Aboriginal cultures’ (23).

From results by the likes of Kickett-Tucker (2009) and Dobia et al. (2014), it is critical that researchers acknowledge that by limiting the focus to Western-based perspectives on pan-Aboriginality, a severe misunderstanding of the diversity and strength of Indigenous identities will emerge. Ranzijn, McConnochie, and Nolan (2009) rightfully argue that current, and often cited inequalities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians must not be considered as due to the ‘Aboriginal problem’, but rather that such inequalities must more carefully understood by moving beyond culturally incomplete Western-based perspectives and focusing on the perceptions and voices of Indigenous Australians and their ways of knowing, understanding and being (see also Moreton-Robinson 2011; Walter and Andersen 2013) – which could be argued to be most critical in the field of education.

Recognising and owning epistemological racism

In a landmark paper within the international research setting, Scheurich and Young (1997) highlighted both the pervasiveness and malleability of racism today. Specifically they list racism as existing across multiple levels within contemporary society, with such forms of racism ranging from individual racism (e.g. overt and covert racism), institutional racism (e.g. biases, beliefs and practices that favour one racial group within any given workplace), societal racism (e.g. where wider norms or cultural assumptions exclude other racial groups), and finally civilisational racism (where broad civilisational assumptions being become so deeply imbedded within dominant group realities that ‘other’ realities and ways of knowing are rejected entirely). Arguably hidden within the infectious taint of civilisational racism, Scheurich and Young identify the emergence (and ignorance of) epistemological racism and how it continually impacts upon emerging research today. In short, epistemological racism is where research and corresponding methodologies, theories, and ways of knowing have emerged from a social history of the dominant group, whereby the perspectives of minority groups, cultures, and researchers are waylaid within a stereotypical notion of alienated, and easily dismissed, otherness (see also Moreton-Robinson 2011; Tuhiwai Smith 2012; Walter and Andersen 2013). While Scheurich and Young (1997) were careful to note that researchers falling into the trap of epistemological racism were not knowing participants in some conspiracy to discredit Indigenous epistemologies, nor active proponents of subtle of overt forms of racism, they do note that the unintentional blindness associated with epistemological racism may be considered one of the most dangerous forms of racism in existence today.

At this point, it is hoped that we have, in part, highlighted the trappings of epistemological racism within our understanding of the constructions of Indigenous identity[ies] within academic research today. With that being said, it is essential that we also highlight the taint of epistemological racism within our understanding of what has been thought to be one of the greatest threats to any minority group identity today. That is the extent to which epistemological racism has impacted upon our very understanding of racism itself, and how it may exist through the eyes of Indigenous Australians.

Racism targeting Indigenous Australians

Although there is a plethora of research and opinion exploring the nature of disadvantage Indigenous Australians have been forced to endure across a diversity of socio-economic, education, mental and physical health variables (e.g. AIHW 2011; Beresford 2012), it has been argued that much of this research has been descriptive in nature and in many instances simply acted to perpetuated deficit discourses by focusing solely on categorical racial differences (Kickett-Tucker 2009; Walter and Butler 2013). Whilst racism has often been cited by many Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers as a major antecedent to the inequities forced upon Indigenous Australians (Ranzijn, McConnochie, and Nolan 2009), it was only until the turn of the millennium that research seeking to empirically understand the nature and impact of racism on the lives of Indigenous people began to emerge (Mellor 2003). Critical questions as to why there was a dearth in empirical research seeking to more carefully articulate how racism may have impacted upon Indigenous Australians reveals a multitude of possible factors. Moving beyond deficit orientations (or more appropriately closely related too), other factors may include imposed insecurities and misunderstandings in identification as to who are Indigenous Australians (Bodkin-Andrews and Carlson 2013; Carlson 2013; NSW AECG 2011; Nakata 2012) and an increasing recognition of a level of resistance and denial within academic discourse, popular media, and public opinion on the existence of racism today (Gershevitch, Lamoin, and Dawes 2010).

This is not to state that racism directed at Indigenous people has been completely ignored in the Australian literature, but, reflecting earlier international research trends (Bonilla-Silva 2013), the majority of this research has focused on the attitudes of those who may discriminate against Indigenous people. An early example of this can be found in the work of Jordan (1984), who found that across 17 descriptive traits (e.g. trustworthiness), a majority of non-Indigenous high school students judged Indigenous Australians more negatively (e.g. untrustworthy) than positively (resulting in stereotypical attributions that Indigenous Australians are aggressive, alcoholics, lazy, etc.). Over a decade later though, Pedersen and Walker (1997) measured blatant and overt racist attitudes (e.g. endorsement of segregation, blatant stereotypes, etc.) and more subtle or covert racist attitudes (e.g. opposition to affirmative action programmes) against Indigenous Australians. Whilst covert racist attitudes were reported by nearly 60% of the sample of adults, only 21.2% reported holding blatant racist attitudes against Indigenous Australians. When comparing such results to the likes of Jordan (1984), and an earlier study by Walker (1994; where over 50% of the participants reported blatant racist attitudes), it is not surprising that Pedersen and Walker (1997) tentatively suggested that blatant racism may be on the decline (see also Pedersen et al. 2000). This suggestion has been further supported by more recent research suggesting even lower levels of racism being reported in surveys. For example, in a blatant measure of racism (opposition to marriage), Dunn et al. (2009) found that as little as 12% of Australians held this prejudicial attitude. It may be argued that more covert levels of racism could be decreasing as well, with Skinner et al. (2013) finding that 24% of the participants in their study reported holding modern/covert racist attitudes.

While these findings may seem promising, there is a critical perspective that, until recently, has been missing from the racism-based literature within Australia. That is, in a similar manner by which the academic construction of Indigenous Australian identity has largely been formulated from a Eurocentric epistemological lens (Moreton-Robinson 2011; Walter 2010), so too has our understanding of racism been limited.

Racism and Indigenous voices

In what we label as a critical shift in the racism based literature within Australia, Mellor (2003) produced findings that highlighted how limited the Eurocentric epistemological lens can be in understanding what is racism today. Through a series of semi-structured and open-ended interviews, Mellor sought to capture and understand the voices of Indigenous Australian adults with regards to their perceptions of racism within Australia. The results of these interviews, rather than mirroring the perpetrator based research on racism (e.g. covert and over racism), found that Indigenous participants viewed racism as a more diverse and complicated construct. Indeed, racism was found to be experienced in forms ranging from verbal racism (e.g. name calling, jokes), behavioural racism (e.g. avoidance, assault), institutional discrimination (e.g. denial of services, over-application of punishment) to macro-discrimination (e.g. media misinformation, selective views on history). More so, the frequency in which the participants experienced these forms of racism led Mellor to reject notions that racism may be dying, and to conclude that:

The argument that there is a cultural norm against racism … may thus be misleading, at least in the Australian context. Not only was it the norm for participants in this study to have experienced racism in their daily lives but much of the racism experienced was one-on-one, blatant, old fashioned racism. (483)

It is important to note that a number of recent quantitative studies have emerged to validate Mellor’s findings, and suggests a clear distinction between the reported attitudes of those who may hold prejudices against Indigenous Australians, and the lived experiences of Indigenous Australians themselves. For example, as listed previously, although Dunn et al. (2009) found that only 12% of the total sample reported being prejudiced towards other ethnic/cultural groups, over 63% of the Indigenous Australians participants reported experiencing racism. In another study by Ferdinand, Paradies, and Kelaher (2013), it was found that 97% of the 738 Indigenous Australian participants had experienced some form of racism in the previous year, with over two-thirds listing blatant forms physical racism (e.g. being spat at) as part of their experiences.

Whilst it may be complicated in trying to identify why there is such a large discrepancy between reports of perpetrator based attitudes of racism and research capturing actual lived experiences of racism from the perspective of Indigenous Australian participants, some additional findings from Skinner et al.’s (2013) provides an potentially meaningful insight. More specifically, whilst they found that only 24% of participants explicitly reported holding negative racist attitudes towards Indigenous Australians, they found that when these attitudes were measured implicitly (beyond participants’ awareness through the Implicit Association Test – Bellezza, Greenwald, and Banaji 1986), the rate rose to nearly half of the participants, thus raising the possibility that social desirability may be limiting self-reported admissions to holding prejudicial attitudes.

Critically, researchers should not ignore the voice of Indigenous Australians in attempting to understand the nature of racism prevalent within Australia today. In addition, our understanding of racism should not be limited to only its nature, but also its impact. Shortly after the revelations of Mellor’s (2003) research, a diverse array of research findings began to emerge across varying physical and mental health disciplines revealing that racism is not only frequently experienced by Indigenous Australians, but can also significantly and negatively impact upon Australia’s First People (see Paradies, Harris, and Anderson 2008), including Aboriginal children and youth (Priest et al. 2011; Zubrick et al. 2005).

Understanding the impact of racism

One of the largest studies to date on the social and emotional health and well-being of Aboriginal children and youth can be found in the Western Australian study of Zubrick and colleagues (2005). Within this study, Zubrick et al. found that increased perceptions of racism were significantly associated with increased levels of health risk behaviours such as alcohol consumption, cigarette and marijuana use, in addition to significantly increasing the likelihood of reporting clinically significant emotional or behavioural difficulties and suicidal thoughts (see Priest et al. 2011 for similar results within Victoria). In an extension of this project, De Maio et al. (2005) also found evidence for the cross-generational effects of racism, and its negative impact upon Aboriginal children and youth. That is De Maio et al. (2005) found that Aboriginal children, brought up by carers who were forcibly removed from their homes as children, were significantly more likely to be at high risk of clinically significant emotional or behavioural difficulties. Evidence for the cross-generational impact of racism was also identified in the work of Priest et al. (2012) who also found that Aboriginal carers who experienced racism were significantly more likely to report illness in their children (aged seven years or less), independent of varying background variables (i.e. the child’s sex, age, time spent in day care, and time spent breastfeeding). This led the researchers to conclude that it is critical that the impact of racism be more fully understood, especially for both the direct and indirect effects on younger generations. Indeed, considering that research has found that Indigenous Australian adults who experience racism are nearly four times more likely to have reported lowered levels of general physical health and 9.2 times more likely to report lowered levels of mental health (Larson, Gillies, Howard, and Coffin 2007), it should not be seen as surprising that the life stressor of racism may negatively impact upon parenting relationships and opportunities with children. Care should be taken though to not limit our understanding of the impact of racism to physical and mental health outcomes.

Indigenous Australian students, racism and education

It may be argued that while the potential impact of racism on the aspirations, engagement and performance of Indigenous Australian students within education has been repeatedly noted (Brennan 1998), empirical research investigating this issue is less prevalent. A recent set of studies by Bodkin-Andrews and colleagues though have more acutely identified the negative impact of racism of Indigenous students within the secondary education system. For example, Bodkin-Andrews et al. (2010) found that perceptions of racism were negatively related to the achievement levels of Indigenous students in standardised spelling and mathematics tests. More specifically, it was estimated that the impact of increased perceptions of racism put Indigenous students’ at upwards of a 5% to 8% disadvantage. Such results were not limited to achievement tests, as Bodkin-Andrews et al. (2010) found that perceptions of racism were also negatively related to teacher grades across English, Math, and Science (also suggesting a 5% to 9% disadvantage), and increased patterns of academic disengagement. Importantly, these results were also independent of the effects of the Indigenous students’ gender, home educational resources (e.g. access to a computer at home), and also ratings of themselves as a student when compared to other students.

It should be recognised that that not all the results of the Bodkin-Andrews et al. (2010) study were negative, as a measure of perceived cultural respect (labelled ‘multiculturation’) was also analysed. This variable was argued to be generally aligned to inclusive teaching practices, which should ultimately see a greater level of respect being taught with regard to Indigenous perspectives within the schooling system, which in turn may see Indigenous students link the importance of their culture and cultural identity to the importance of engaging to the education system (Ainsworth and McRae 2009; Nakata 2012). The predictive power of this perceived cultural respect supported this position, as independent of gender, home-educational resources, self-ratings, and racial discrimination, this variable was associated with higher levels of valuing the importance of school, and lowered levels of absenteeism. In interpreting the substantive nature of these associations, Bodkin-Andrews et al. (2010) argued that this was meaningful evidence suggesting that when Indigenous students perceived that their culture and identity was respected, the more likely they would value education. A later set of analyses though somewhat tempered these positive results, as Bodkin-Andrews et al. (2013) found that across a wide variety of Western positive psychology constructs (e.g. self-esteem, motivation, academic self-concept), although these constructs held some positive associations with schooling achievement outcomes, the often cited protective or buffering effects of positive psychology (Craven and Marsh 2008) largely did not emerge. Interestingly though, they identified one positive factor that buffered the impact of racism for the Indigenous Australian high school students, that factor being a stronger sense of cultural identity.

Fighting racism

As noted earlier in this article, the diverse identities and voices of Indigenous Australians have been continually marginalised, maligned, and isolated throughout Australia’s history (Carlson 2013; Ferdinand, Paradies, and Kelaher 2013; Moreton-Robinson 2011; Walter and Andersen 2013), and it is the position of this article that this form of epistemological racism does, in part, extend to research seeking to understand racism targeting Indigenous Australians. Critically, recognition and ownership of this form of racism by academics is essential for not only also fighting the racism experienced by Indigenous Australians, but also contributing to the empowerment of Indigenous perspectives within academia. Although Scheurich and Young (1997), in their identification of epistemological racism, voiced respect for anti-racist scholars who have repeatedly opposed racism within their own disciplines, they also acknowledge that such positioning rarely addresses the legacy of epistemological racism within academia. Indeed, within much of the Australian research setting, there is a strong anti-racist discourse seeking to eliminate prejudicial attitudes directed at Indigenous Australians that has emerged (Dunn et al. 2009; Pedersen et al. 2011). Once again though, the experiences and voices of Indigenous Australians must not be ignored. From this, we argue that racism must also be fought by not only by combatting the very existence prejudicial attitudes, but also by identifying methods to minimise and negate the negative impact of racism on Indigenous Australians (Bodkin-Andrews and Craven 2013; Mellor 2004; Paradies 2005; Ziersch et al. 2011). Critically, any process aiming to strengthen Indigenous Australians against racism, or any other stressor, must be framed within a culturally relevant foundation drawn from Indigenous voices and paradigms (Dudgeon and Kelly 2014).

It may be argued, at least within the psychological context, one of the original articles seeking to capture Indigenous voices on ways of coping with racism can be found in the work of Mellor (2004), who identified a wide diversity of strategies utilised by Indigenous Australians (from the city of Melbourne) when faced with racism in their daily lives (all admitted to experiencing racism). Whilst 16 distinct strategies were identified, Mellor argued that these strategies could be grouped into three overarching strategies. The first of these overarching strategies was Protecting the Self where racism wasn’t challenged, but rather a ‘put up with it’ approach was taken. Imbedded within this strategy though are distinct methods to ‘minimise’ the impact of racism (including avoidance/withdrawal from where racism took place, and seeking social support). Secondly, Self-Control was again typified by not overtly challenging racism, yet a stronger internal recognition of existence of the racist event was evident, including cognitive approaches to dealing with racism (e.g. from ignoring racism to constraining responses like anger). Finally, Confronting Racism had the participants actively confront the racist incident, and attempt to modify the environment and/or perpetrator’s attitudes (ranging from attempting to educate the perpetrators of racism, dealing with racism through official [e.g. legal] methods, to seeking revenge [e.g. violence]). In recognising the diversity of these coping strategies utilised by the Indigenous Australian participants, Mellor raised the need for future research to identify strategies that would be the most effective in not only combating racism (thus reducing prejudicial attitudes), but also in promoting a stronger sense of metal health and resiliency for Indigenous Australians themselves.

Ziersch et al. (2011) have also identified a variety of the coping strategies voiced by Indigenous Australians within the city of Adelaide, not only with regards to their experiences of racism and how they may have coped with this stressor, but also how racism may impact on the Indigenous participants’ sense of health and well-being. Similar to Mellor’s (2004) findings, 142 of the 153 participants reported experiencing racism, and listed a diversity of responses including seeking social support, confronting the perpetrator, ignoring the racism, withdrawal, and minimisation (that is questioning whether the incident was racist in nature). In addition, a number of emotional responses were listed including ongoing anger, humiliation, shame, depression, and long term feelings of inferiority and helplessness. Lingering physiological responses were also reported such as increased blood pressure and feeling sick over time. In discussing these results, like Mellor (2004), Ziersch et al. (2011) highlighted the need to explore the costs and benefits of varying responses to racism, and suggest that agency may be one of the most critical factors in empowering the Indigenous Australian participants to, at last in part, negate the negative effects of racism.

More recently, Bodkin-Andrews and colleagues (Bodkin-Andrews and Craven 2013; Bodkin-Andrews et al. 2013) have published findings summarising the voices of a sample of Indigenous Australians representatives (within the Australian city of Sydney) who were considered to hold high profile positions across a variety of disciplines (e.g. history, arts, politics, education, business management). Specifically, the participants not only spoke in depth of their experiences of racism, but also their advice for future generations on how to deal with racism in adaptive manner. Supporting previous findings with regard to the perversity of racism today, all but one of the 22 participants reported experiencing varying forms of racism, and also relayed a diversity of responses and coping strategies (e.g. social support and emotional distancing that mirrored the findings of Mellor (2004) and Ziersch et al. (2011). Importantly, their advice for future generations was patterned around a unique combination of strategies that ultimately strived for a stronger sense of personal and collective agency. More specifically, considerable emphasis was placed on the need to acknowledge the existence of racism (as opposed to questioning its existence), to emotionally distance oneself from the racism by framing it as a problem of the racists, not oneself. From this foundation that effectively avoided the internalisation of racist attitudes, the emphasis moved towards staying positive and recognising that fighting racism (calmly and not violently) can make one stronger and more resilient. Such strength was also closely tied to maintaining and enhancing one’s sense of identity and family/social support that encouraged a stronger sense of pride in being an Indigenous Australian. Finally, the need to challenge racism was emphasised not only with regard to correcting the racist attitudes and/or behaviours, but also considerable emphasis was placed on the need to challenge racism from internal point of reference. That is, it was stressed that one must endeavour to prove the racist wrong, and that racism itself may become a motivator for success. In concluding, Bodkin-Andrews and Craven (2013) stressed that the voices of the Indigenous Australians participants provided a multifaceted framework for combating negative effects of racism, and warned that any focus on a one-stop solution for increased resiliency against racism may be ineffectual (see also Paradies 2005).

From the papers reviewed, it may be argued that an overemphasis on Western understandings of stress models, positivity, and agency will not be effective and representative of Indigenous Australian perceptions and experiences (Bodkin-Andrews et al. 2013), especially if they are isolated from the strengths and intricacies of Indigenous Australian identities, kinship and support networks. Widening this implication, Dudgeon and Kelly (2014), in their review of the effectiveness of Cognitive Behavioural Therapy for Indigenous Australians, argued that within Australia, this popular therapy has had no research seeking to gather feedback from Indigenous Australians themselves (whether it be through therapeutic clients or community consultation). In doing so, whilst:

some Aboriginal based healing models … may use techniques drawn from Western therapies at appropriate stages of the healing journey … these [Western therapies] need to be used with care, otherwise there may be a risk of repeating the mistakes of the past, of an assimilation of … well meaning imposition of Western psychological concepts that ultimately undermine the social and emotional well-being of Indigenous people. (11)

Conclusion

It was the purpose of this article to explore the ongoing legacy of racism that has been, and still is directed at Indigenous Australians today. Whilst it may be argued that considerable advances towards a more equitable future in education for Indigenous students are being made, the threat of racism still permeates itself not only through Australian public, media, and political discourses, but also the very fabric of academic inquiry. The racism that current and future generations of Indigenous students may be forced to endure is not limited to blatant name-calling and threats of assault, but rather racism extends across multiple inter-personal dimensions and levels such as institutional and macro racism that need to be recognised (Mellor 2003). What is more, respected Indigenous authors today (e.g. Carlson 2013; Dudgeon and Kelly 2014; Fredericks 2013; Moreton-Robinson 2011; Nakata 2012; Walter and Andersen 2013) must continually struggle against the seemingly never-ending tides of epistemological racism being reinforced across disciplines, a racism that has sought to both define, generalise, and simplify not only what is Indigenous Australian, but what it means to be Indigenous Australian.

From the Indigenous perspectives considered within this article, while the history of the Westernised education system was irrefutably negative in its orientation, recent advances in culturally diverse, integrative, and inclusive educational practices may have begun to reverse the opposing nature Indigenous identities have held with the Australian educational system. Regardless, and despite the efforts of Indigenous advocates, researchers, and representatives within Australia, recognition must be given to unique stressors Indigenous students may be forced to endure. This includes not only attempts to eradicate the ignorance surrounding who are Australia’s Indigenous people, but also a respect for the true (and continual) history of contemporary Indigenous Australia, and an acknowledgement that racism still exists, and must be continually addressed (that is correcting the attitudes and behaviours of the perpetrators, and attempting to lessen the negative impact for those targeted with racism). Indeed, the ongoing legacy of racism must be continually fought, for the words of Brennan (1998) are still too relevant today:

There is no easy solution to the problem of racism in schools and the wider community. The feeling and attitudes that some members of the community hold indicate that Australia has a long way to go before becoming a postmodern, multicultural nation. (167)

Acknowledgements

The lead author wishes to acknowledge the Australian Research Council Special Initiative of the National Indigenous Research and Knowledges Network (NIRAKN), and its Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander members whose kindness and works have provided considerable guidance and inspiration for this article.

Notes

1. Within this article, the label Indigenous Australians represents the diverse descendents of Australia’s First People. Readers should recognise that the labels of Indigenous, and/or Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people is not an adequate representation of the immense diversity of language groups and cultural values across Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people (Purdie, Dudgeon, and Walker 2010).