Islamic religious education in Belgian state schools: a post-secular perspective

Abstract

Based on Habermas’ normative theory of religion in post-secular society, this article elaborates on the organisation of Islamic religious education (RE) in state schools. Hereto, a brief sketch of the Habermasian concepts of reflexive religion and complementary learning processes will be given. Subsequently, the author addresses the role of RE in post-secular society and applies these Habermasian concepts to confessional RE, with particular attention to Islamic RE in Belgium, where this subject is included as an optional subject in the state school curriculum since 1975, but where it is also criticised today, in particular with regard to content, teacher-training, textbooks, and inspection. These deficiencies will lead us to one of the main problems of Islamic RE and of confessional RE in general: the absence of state control. Based on Habermas’ ideas, the author concludes that it is up to the state to elucidate under which conditions confessional RE can be part of the regular curriculum, and to facilitate these conditions, by funding and co-organising teacher training, reviewing curricula and textbooks, formulating a ‘core curriculum’ and controlling teachers, for example. If these conditions have not been met, confessional RE should not be a part of the regular curriculum in a liberal state.

Keywords:

• Islamic religious education (RE)
• Habermas
• post-secular society
• reflexive religion
• Belgium
• state schools

Notes

1. Although I think the ideas of Tibi have many benefits, they are not uncontroversial. Probably the best-known critique comes from Tariq Ramadan (2015), who considers Tibi’s Euro-Islam too assimilationist. In Belgium, Khalid Benhaddou (2016), who defends a ‘rational’ Islam, is also critical towards a ‘European’ or ‘Enlightened’ Islam because of its dualistic worldview (Europe versus Islam) and its emphasis on European history and culture. In a similar vein, Khan (2011, 327) labels Tibi’s ideas as one sided: ‘Europe teaches and Islam listens. … Why not the other way round and propose a solution based on the democratic elements inherent in Islam (e.g. consultation, critical thought, egalitarianism)?’ Also noteworthy is the recent publication Islam after Liberalism (2017), edited by Faisal Devji and Zaheer Kazmi, who condemn the colonisation of Islamic thought by liberalism and plead – contra Tibi – for a more de-territorialised and decentralised vision of Muslim politics in a globalised age.

2. By ‘regular schools’ I mean schools – state and private – which teach the regular school curriculum, approved by the state.

3. Anglicanism is only organised in Flemish state schools, not in German and French state schools. Also different is the organisation of non-confessional ethics, which is in the Flemish Community organised by the recognised organisation of freethinkers while the same subject is in the French and German communities organised by the state.

4. This explicit model of ‘multi-religious and separative RE’ (cf. Franken 2017a) can also be found in Finland and Austria and, to a lesser extent, in the Netherlands, Germany, Italy and Spain. Peculiarly, Finnish RE aims to be ‘non-confessional’, which is not the case for the other countries and for Belgium.