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Abstract
In the Riau Islands of Indonesia significant numbers of women have entered into marriages with men from the nearby countries of Singapore and Malaysia. In many cases, neither spouse migrates after marriage: instead, husband and wife continue to reside in their country of origin. Their close geographical proximity means that the couples can see each other regularly while at the same time taking advantage of the economic opportunities presented by living on different sides of the border. These cross-border marriages challenge the normative model of the nuclear cohabiting couple/family. Our research into the motivations and desires of these cross-border couples living in the Riau borderlands reveals that space and mobility mediate their interactions with the Singaporean, Malaysian and Indonesian states, thus producing localized accounts of citizenship in which class mobility (rather than physical mobility) becomes the dominant frame through which they view state regulation of marriage and migration. This research challenges the state-centric tendencies in some of the scholarly literature on international and transnational marriage which places overwhelming emphasis on the ability of states to regulate access to citizenship rights. In presenting a view of inconsistent and sometimes incoherent states, we highlight the significant differences between perceptions of state influence and actual state practices in relation to the regulation of international marriages.
Notes
1 There is a considerable body of research on borderland communities which demonstrates the limits of the state. For an overview of these issues see Donnan and Wilson (Citation1999), Cunningham and Heyman (Citation2004), and Horstmann and Wadley (Citation2006).
2 The research on which this paper is based was funded by an Australian Research Council (ARC) Discovery Project grant: In the shadow of Singapore: the limits of transnationalism in insular Riau (DP0557368) – see project website http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/intheshadow/.
3 In contrast to Bintan and Karimun, Batam was largely unoccupied jungle prior to the 1970s. Today it is dotted with large-scale industrial parks, tourist resorts, administrative infrastructure, and housing estates, and boasts a population of almost 600,000 largely as a result of internal migration from other parts of Indonesia (BPS-Kota-Batam Citation2004). For a discussion of the significant differences between Batam and Bintan, see Ford and Lyons (Citation2006).
4 For a discussion of Singaporean men's relationships with their mistresses, see Amster and Lindquist (Citation2005).
5 These types of relationships are similar to those observed amongst ethnic Chinese businessmen from Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore working in the People's Republic of China (Tam Citation1996, Lang and Smart Citation2002, Yeoh and Willis Citation2004, Shen Citation2005). Studies of these business communities suggest that taking mistresses is an integral part of a transnational business culture and form of transnational business masculinity that encourages the pursuit of ‘play’ by foreign businessmen (Shen Citation2005, p. 420). In the Riau Islands, however, the practice of taking second wives is predominantly a working-class or lower middle-class practice.
6 Pseudonyms are used throughout this paper at the request of informants. The stories recounted here are based on in-depth interviews conducted between November 2004 and August 2006. All interviews, which were taped and transcribed, were conducted in Indonesian or Malay and translated into English by the second author.
7 Interestingly, all the couples we spoke to were married in Indonesia. In the case of Singapore, this may be related to two factors – the cost of wedding ceremonies in Singapore, and the bureaucracy surrounding marriage. Where a Singaporean seeks to marry a foreign citizen in Singapore, the future spouse must supply a letter from their country of origin confirming his/her marital status; a letter of approval from the Work Permit Office, Ministry of Manpower if the future spouse is a work permit or ex-work permit holder; and in the case of Muslim marriages where the future spouse is an Indonesian, Malaysian or Bruneian citizen, the intended spouse must provide a letter of non-impediment from the local registry of marriages or approved Islamic body (Registry of Marriages Citation2002). One of our informants, a Malay Singaporean man, claimed that the cost of getting married in Singapore was so high that he married his wife in her home town of Tanjung Pinang.
8 For further discussion of the marginal status of sex workers and the opportunities presented by marriage to foreigners, see Lyons and Ford (Citation2008).
9 See, for example, Lisa Law's discussion of marriages between sex workers and their clients in the Philippines (2000).
10 International marriages between Malay Singaporean men and Riau Islander Malay women have been occurring for generations. They were especially common during the 1950s, and the marriages described here reflect those longstanding ties.
11 As many Singaporean–Indonesian couples in the Islands are not legally married this law does not apply and their children are eligible for Indonesian citizenship.
12 In Indonesia, janda (divorcees or widows) are frequently the object of community distrust ‘regarding [their] sexual activities because they are no longer under the supervision or control of fathers or husbands’ (Brenner Citation1998, p. 163). Marriage, even as a second wife, reinstated Lia's position as a socially (and morally) acceptable member of the community.
13 We are not suggesting that all cross-border marriages involving Indonesian women from the Riau Islands demonstrate a similar pattern. Many women who marry foreign men migrate to join their spouses. However, the phenomenon of cross-border marriages described in this paper is sufficiently prevalent to be worthy of separate attention. It is impossible to quantify the number of couples who live across borders because no state authority has sought to measure its incidence.
14 The cost of a return ferry ticket to the islands in September 2006 varied between S$25 and S$30.
15 In contrast, the foreign husband of a Singaporean woman must show that he is gainfully employed.
16 These cases are analogous to the situation faced by many working-class Hong Kong men who marry women from Mainland China (Lang and Smart Citation2002, So Citation2003).
17 The ICA often requires Indonesian tourists to demonstrate that they have enough financial resources to support their stay in Singapore. Those without sufficient money are assumed to be entering Singapore to engage in illegal work and thus refused entry. As a freelance sex worker, Lia often travelled to Singapore to meet clients. Unlike Ani, she never had trouble getting in. She asserts that getting through is all a matter of having the right attitude, dressing appropriately, and showing the right amount of uang tunjuk.
18 Whether this situation will change as a result of amendments to the Citizenship Law in relation to dual citizenship is still unclear (see Tjakrawinata and Wellesley Citation2006).
19 During the crisis, the purchasing power of the Singaporean dollar increased by a factor of more than five. The Rupiah fell from Rp. 1779 for S$1 at the beginning of August 1997 to a low of Rp. 9575 in mid June 1998, before stabilizing at around Rp. 5000 in late 1998.
20 September 2006, Rp.1,000,000 = USD110.
21 September 2006, 1000 MYR = USD274.
22 In this sense, these men have much in common with international labour migrants who spend much of their working lives abroad supporting their families ‘back home’.
23 Nicole Constable describes a similar situation amongst Filipinas who become ‘mail-order brides’. She argues that the women don't simply marry to migrate, but migrate to achieve a desired goal of marriage which is an important aspect of their self-fulfilment (Constable Citation2003, p. 164).
24 In the words of Haji Handarlin, Head of Riau's Muslim Affairs Office, ‘Indonesian women are more docile and can look after them. Singapore women are always so busy and they [Singaporean men] can't get enough physical and sexual satisfaction’ (cited in Arshad Citation2003).