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Abstract
This paper deals with the causes and impact of the rise in the number of Palestinian–Arab Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Israel in the last two decades. It provides a multi-level model that combines economic, political and cultural factors to explain the shifts in Palestinian-Arab political mobilization in Israel and as a result to the rise of a complex network of Arab NGOs. The paper demonstrates the way in which the civil institutions and their intensive involvement in public social affairs generate social capital that has internal as well as external political impact. Arab civil society institutions, which operate mainly separately from civil institutions of the Jewish majority, assist in the empowerment and the development of Arab society. They provide services in different fields, such as education, health, and planning. They also advocate and lobby for the rights of the Arab citizens inside Israel and internationally. Arab civil society institutions also provide information necessary for political mobilization, identity formation, and cultural preservation. In this framework the paper claims that they play a counter-hegemonic role vis-à-vis the Israeli state. However, the paper also claims that the broad advocacy and lobbying activity of Arab civil institutions did not manage to fully democratize Israeli policies towards Arab society, demonstrating the centrality of state identity and power structure when it comes to democratization processes. On a different level, the paper reveals that, although the Palestinian–Arab NGOs network has managed to lead to a liberalization process within Arab society, this process is partial and selective.
Notes
1. An exception in this regard has been Al-Ard (the land) movement, which drew its name based on the principle of ‘first occupancy’ and challenged the state on collective national terms. On Al-Ard see: Jiryis (Citation1976).
2. See the law proposal to amend the Israeli Land Authority presented by MKs Uri Ariel, Zeev Alkin and Moshe Cahlon to the 17th Knesset on 25 June 2007. The MKs explain that ‘the amendment of the law aims to enable the ILA to continue and administer the lands of the Keren Kayemet (Jewish National Fund) that form 13% of the lands of the state, according to the goals the Keren Kayemet set for itself with its establishment in 1901, to settle Jews in the land of Israel.’ Such a law came to bypass a decision of the Israeli High Court declaring all discriminations in the allocation of land resources as illegal and ensure that lands of the Keren Kayemet are allocated to Jews only. For the document of the law proposal see: http://www.knesset.gov.il/privatelaw/data/17/2711.rtf
3. By autonomous service providing NGOs I mean those that are not financed fully by the state or any of its agencies, such as the Israeli Association of Community Centers. For details on this type of NGO see: http://www.matnasim.org
4. The Israeli government has always adopted a policy that divided the country into different areas that were given different levels of attention from governmental offices. The areas that received the mark A were given priority over other areas in the allocation of official resources. Areas close to borders, especially in the northern boarder with Lebanon, were given special attention and drew much governmental investments. The priority areas include usually exclusively Jewish residential areas. Arab towns and villages have been systematically excluded from these areas. For more details on this policy see Yiftachel (Citation1998).
5. H.C. 2773/98 and H.C. 11163/03, The High Follow-up Committee for the Arab Citizens in Israel et al. v. the Prime Minister of Israel, http://www.adalah.org
6. The Kaadan case has to do with an Arab family that sought to move and live in a Jewish town near its original village. Its request was rejected by the Israeli land Authority. The Israeli High Court changed the decision. On this case see Jabareen (Citation2002).
7. Personal interview with Sheikh Kamel Rayan, a prominent leader of in the Islamic movement, the southern wing and head of Al-Aqsa Society, Tel Aviv, 24 July 2007.
8. Personal interview with Atwa Abu Freih, General Director of the Regional Council of the Unrecognized Villages in the Negev, Beer Al-Sabe'a, 8 June 2007.
9. Interview conducted by my assistant, Umayma Diab, with an activist in I'qra'a NGO in Um Al-Fahem, 13 August 2007.