How much is citizenship worth? The case of Kyrgyzstani migrants in Kazakhstan and Russia

Abstract

In the past few decades, political membership has become more complex, for example, through the proliferation of dual and multiple citizenships. Some scholars argue that, as a result, state membership may have become less relevant to individuals. In the same vein, our article argues that Kyrgyzstani migrants working in Russia and Kazakhstan have developed a pragmatic approach to citizenship. This case study, which builds upon in-depth interviews conducted in April and May 2008, is pertinent for several reasons. Labor migration from Kyrgyzstan has surged in recent years and is radically affecting the country's economy, society, and polity. Besides, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Russia have been separate political units for less than two decades; transnational practices and attitudes are thus not new. Our results show that for Kyrgyzstani migrants in Russia and Kazakhstan, citizenship is mainly defined in terms of concrete, short-term benefits. They have difficulties formulating what it means to be a citizen beyond the expression of a vague patriotic support. Those who have naturalized, mostly in Russia, do it for convenience purposes without attaching much affective meaning to it. Most see their stay as temporary (particularly in Kazakhstan), are not engaged in diasporic organizations or activities, and are estranged from the politics of both their home and host country.

Keywords:

• migration
• citizenship
• rights
• identity

Notes

 1. See, for example, Stinson (2008) and Marquand (2007).

 2. Others refute the claim that we are witnessing such radical changes, see, for example, Brubaker (2005).

 3. It is too early to use the concept of diaspora in the case of Kyrgyz migrants. A central feature of a diasporic community is the preservation by migrants of their identity over several generations (Brubaker 2005, p. 7).

 4. Central Asia News (2008b). From our randomly selected 30 respondents, 14 were women (eight from the respondents in Kazakhstan, six from those in Russia).

 5. The website address is http://www.kginfo.ru.

 6. For example, a free legal counselor is now available aboard trains leaving for Russia or Kazakhstan. [Kyrgyzstanis leaving by train to Kazakhstan and Russia receive legal counsel], Gazeta.kz 2 April 2008. Interestingly, the salary of these advisers is financed by an additional charge on passengers' tickets.

 7. Abramson (2008). The statement about the devaluation of American citizenship is by Stanley Renshon, Professor at the City University of New York. See also Park (2008).

 8. According to the 1999 census, the main ethnic groups of Kyrgyzstan are: Kyrgyz 65%, Uzbek 14%, Russian 12.5% and others (CIA Factbook, available from: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/kg.html#People).

 9. For a summary, see, for example, Marat (2006), Imanaliev (2006), and Laruelle (2006).

10. See, for example, Sapozhnikova (2009).

11. See this testimony from a 25 year-old Kygyzstani working in Russia: ‘private company from Russia came to Naryn, and recruited entire groups of people. They took 30 persons every time.’

12. Public officials are increasingly worried about the long-term consequences of migration flows on the Kyrgyz workforce and society (Eurasianet.org 2006).

13. Mukhtarbek Omurakunov, the leader of Zamandash, the main migrant organization, was recently arrested under corruption charges, a development that is likely to undermine the credibility of any such endeavor (The Times of Central Asia 2008).

14. According to an expert, the term ‘propiska’ is incorrect as it refers to an official registration requirement abolished in 1993 and replaced with the current residential permit (Doolotkeldieva 2008).

15. See this statement by one of our respondents: ‘I had to get a citizenship, because I had so many goods left, and I had to sell them’ (46 year-old trader in Chita, Russia).

16. See, for example, the answer given by a 21 year-old woman working in a paper factory in Moscow: (Can you still expect rights from the government?) ‘I have not thought of that. I guess no since I am away. Or can I have benefits?’; or by a taxi-driver in Moscow: (Do you think you have some public-political duties toward Kyrgyzstan?) ‘I do not understand’ (What about social support? Do you think you are entitled to?) ‘I have not thought about that.’

17. According to Emil, a 34 year-old man selling jackets in Almaty, ‘We are all away. The only thing is that I am sending money to my mother. My other siblings also send money to our mother. And all the money we earn we spend in Kyrgyzstan. We build our house. We provide for ourselves.’ See also this statement by Kurmanali, selling shoes in Almaty: ‘The money we are sending ends up in Kyrgyzstan right? We take about $5000–6000 to Kyrgyzstan and we build things there.’

18. See also Anarbek, who works as a good carrier in Astrakhan, Russia: ‘I want to take care of my family's economic situation, and I suppose that will be the help. If I do not beg from the state, and create jobs, and am a sober citizen, I think that will be a good contribution.’ Several also argued that their main responsibility as citizens was to advertise Kyrgyzstan abroad: ‘Of course we have obligations. When we are working here, we do our best to uplift the profile of Kyrgyzstan. We praise Kyrgyzstan, and try to make a good impression. For example out of my 10 Kazak friends, five of them have already been to Kyrgyzstan. We advertise the country's beautiful places. We speak of Issyk Kul’ (39 year-old trader in Almaty).

19. ‘I have abandoned all hopes toward our government. It cannot even provide decent salaries to policemen. That's why they stop me on the streets of Bishkek and check my propiska’ (25 year-old man working in Tyumen, Russia, as a construction worker).

20. Migrants who have naturalized face another issue if they have given up their Kyrgyz citizenship: they cannot receive assistance from the Kyrgyz embassy and Russian officials still view them as foreigners. See Goble (2008).