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Abstract
In the last decade, Amazigh arts, media and scholarship have flourished in Morocco, facilitated by a number of new measures such as the creation of the Institut Royal de la Culture Amazighe in 2003. Performance in particular is contributing to this renewal by disseminating an oral heritage in Amazigh dialects and using local myths and narratives. The development of an ‘Amazigh theatre’ has played a crucial role in restoring the prestige of indigenous dialects and more generally protecting Amazigh traditions from erosion and disappearance. However, because they introduce the notion of identity politics in the Moroccan public realm, Amazigh cultural productions are inherently contentious, threatening the Pan-Arab model promoted throughout North Africa since Independence to ensure national unity. This article aims to discuss the development of Amazigh theatre and its impact as an identity marker and a tool of contestation, in the wider context of post-Arab Spring North Africa.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1. ‘Imazighen', literally meaning ‘free men', is the word preferred by Amazigh activists to refer to their community instead of ‘Berber', which can be perceived as derogatory. It was originally a term used by militants and associated to their political project, but it is now increasingly used by the laypeople (Hoffman Citation2008, 14).
2. King Hassan II (1929–99) led the country through the difficult transition towards Independence and during the Years of Lead (from the 1960s to the late 1980s), a period marked by violent repression of his political opponents. The accession of his more lenient son Mohammed VI to the throne in 1999 came to be perceived as a turning point by many Moroccans.
3. ‘Amazighité’ is a complex notion in the context of contemporary North Africa and often accompanies the Amazigh movement's claims of cultural exceptionalism. It is inseparable from language: Amazigh belonging is built through the use of Berber dialects and their transmission, hence the focus on language recognition and protection in the movement's demands.
4. ‘Tamazight’ is an ambiguous term: it can refer either to the specific strand of Berber dialect spoken in the Atlas, or to the generic, standardised Amazigh language now used in schools and in the media. It is also the feminine form of the term ‘Amazigh'.
5. The tifinagh alphabet was recently compiled by the IRCAM after long debates over which type of script Tamazight should use. It is based on the millennia-old Berber alphabet abjad, found throughout North Africa on ancient engravings. It is now the alphabet used for most media and communications in Tamazight.
6. My translation from the French.
7. Al-halqa, literally ‘the circle’ in Arabic, is a type of storytelling performed in public places, with the audience forming a circle around the storyteller. Abidat rama is a type of popular dance and music performed during festivals and celebrations, associated with rural life. imdiazen, ‘the poets’ in Tamazight, were travelling musicians performing an oral poetry typical of Berber culture.
8. The mussem is a local or regional festival, usually held annually and often associated with a specific saint.
9. ‘Tamawayt’ refers to traditional, lyrical songs typically sung in Berber communities.
10. Morocco is actually at the forefront in terms of Amazigh rights and recognition. In neighbouring Algeria, Berbers (in particular the Kabyle people) are historically perceived as a dissenting group and have been repressed by the state. In Libya, Amazigh minorities were alienated by the Qaddafi leadership and are now struggling to gain political representation.
11. 2M is one of the most popular TV channels in Morocco, owned by the Moroccan State.
12. ‘Tabarak Allah’ is an Arabic formula meaning ‘Blessed is Allah’ and used very frequently in Morocco.
13. In 2012, the conservative government led by Abdelilah Benkirane called for the promotion of a ‘clean art’ (‘Art propre’) free from obscenities, provoking the anger of some Moroccan artists.
14. Unpublished notes provided by the play's director Laaziz Ibrahimi, whom I thank for his help.
15. Saadedine El-Othmani is a deputy from the Islamist Party of Justice and Development (PJD), currently in power. He was previously foreign minister from 2012 to 2013.
16. The controversial ‘Berber decree’ of 1930 removed Berber populations from the authority of Morocco's Sultan, creating a separate legal framework for them, while ‘Arabs’ were perceived as more hostile. A similar strategy to ‘divide and conquer’ had already been applied in Algeria (Vermeren Citation2012, 23).
17. See Note 15.