Participation and learning in Vocational education and training - a cross-national analysis of the perspectives of youth at risk for social exclusion

ABSTRACT

The article explores the experiences of youth at risk for social exclusion and is part of cross-national research involving Norway, Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia. 79 young people aged 16–29 who are at risk of becoming economically and socially marginalised were interviewed about circumstances that may support or hinder their participation and learning in VET. The study draws on sociocultural theory, emphasising learning as participation in social practices. Thematic analyses indicate that negative experiences in the past affect current participation in VET. In all countries, VET offers opportunities for participation for students at risk of social exclusion. However, vulnerable youth do not navigate the paths of social engagement well on their own. In the case of VET-students at risk for social exclusion, the mere development of knowledge and skills relevant for employment in the labour market does not suffice. VET institutions will need to facilitate students’ participation in learning communities. Building social capital for youth at risk through developing relationships that generate motivation, trust, and confidence enhances students’ opportunities for participation and subsequent learning. VET teachers and workplace supervisors will need guidance on how to develop the pedagogical competencies necessary to nurture social capital for students at risk for social exclusion.

KEYWORDS:

• Vocational education and training
• young people at risk for social exclusion
• participation in social practices
• social capital
• cross-national research
• relationships

Introduction

The article explores young people’s experiences on circumstances that support and hinder their participation and learning in Vocational Education and Training (VET). The study is part of a cross-national research project, Vocational education and workplace training enhancing social inclusion of at-risk young people (EmpowerVET) involving four countries: Lithuania, Norway, Estonia, and Latvia, investigating the potential of vocational education and training (VET) to enhance social inclusion of young people who are at risk of becoming economically and socially marginalised.¹ In Europe, the proportion of youth not in education, employment, or training is high (Eurostat 2023),² increasing the risk of social exclusion for those involved (Albæk et al. 2015). The United Nations Report on the World Social Situation (2016, p. 18) refers to social exclusion as ‘a state in which individuals are unable to participate fully in economic, social, political and cultural life, as well as the process leading to and sustaining such a state’. In combatting social exclusion, a major challenge facing education systems involves providing equal opportunities for all to take part in education that qualifies for future democratic citizenship (Ainscow 2020). Starting in the 1970s, combatting social exclusion has been a social policy goal of the European Union, implementing strategies with the aim of breaking the cycle of disadvantage, targeting poverty, and reducing inequality.³ Still, many young people leave upper-secondary school with no worthwhile qualifications (Ainscow 2020), whilst non-completion of upper-secondary education and failing to achieve an upper-secondary qualification reduces young people’s labour market prospects, leading to economic and social marginalisation (Albæk et al. 2015). Especially young people with lower educational levels are vulnerable in labour market situations (Rokicka et al. 2018), whilst the economic and educational inequalities that reduce the life chances of young people already affected by adverse life circumstances, seem hard to overcome (Sammons, Toth, and Sylva 2015). Following Ainscow (2020), these challenges seem to add to an international interest in making education more inclusive and equitable. As such, Nilsson (2010, 251) refers to an international rise of academic and political attention towards VET as a ‘potentially powerful tool for fostering social inclusion’, largely due to its ability to bridge the school-to-work transition through apprenticeship, making young people ‘insiders’ in the labour market, counteracting unemployment. In the context of deepening socio-economic challenges and polarisation of socio-economic possibilities, VET has a potential to support youth at risk for social exclusion, especially through bridging school and work (Banerjee and Duflo 2019; Piketty 2014, 2019; Tirole 2016; UNESCO-UNEVOC International Centre for Technical and Vocational Education and Training 2021). VET plays hence a role as an instrument of social policy, a gateway to social and economic participation of vulnerable and socially excluded groups (Apostolopoulos et al. 2021). However, VET may itself become a source of social exclusion due to mismatches between provided skills and competencies and changing labour marked needs, as well as problems concerning the quality of VET provision (European Anti-Poverty Network (EAPN 2020).

To gain insight in VET-trajectories across four European countries, 79 young people aged 16–29 were interviewed about their experiences, providing authentic accounts on how they understand and negotiate their participation and learning opportunities, their prospects and limitations, and the contextual factors influencing these issues. The article explores the following research question: What do young people (aged 16–29), who are at risk for social exclusion, experience as supporting and hindering their participation and learning in VET? Through analysing first-hand experiences spanning four European countries, the purpose is to give voice to the young people themselves. In so doing, the aim is to provide insights that contribute to a greater understanding of the circumstances in VET influencing the learning processes of youth at risk for social exclusion.

Social inclusion and VET policies in Norway and the Baltic states

In Norway, the vision of A School for All has been central to the development of a national comprehensive school system for democracy and equality, securing collective interests, which has been the central core in developing the Norwegian welfare state since World War II (Nevøy 2019). Even though the Norwegian educational system historically has been viewed as open, ‘providing equal access for all’ (Nevøy and Bruin 2022, 117), neoliberal forces have since the late 1990s increased privatisation and market-oriented competition, emphasising learning outcomes as a quality indicator (Thuen and Volckmar 2020). These tendencies give rise to a ‘dismantling of the welfare state’ (Nevøy and Bruin 2022, 117), changing education, health, and employment, increasing inequality in Norwegian society (Knudsen 2021). Since 2015 there has been an increase of youth under 30 who are not in education, employment, or training (Statistics Norway,⁴ see also Nevøy and Bruin 2022), leaving Norway with a comparatively high level of youths who have left upper secondary education without formal qualification, primarily former students in VET (Ministry of Education 2019). To counteract these exclusionary developments, national policies are developed to increase social inclusion in future working life and society, amongst others various measures to stimulate collaboration between upper secondary education and working life, as well as increasing completion rates in VET (Ministry of Labour and Social inclusion 2020–21).

Since the collapse of Soviet Union and transition to the market economy and democracy, VET-systems in Lithuania have aspired to balance between the priorities to satisfy skills needs in the labour market and providing equitable opportunities for all learners to succeed in the labour market and society (Tūtlys et al. 2022). As in the Norwegian notion of A school for all, VET institutions in Lithuania are obliged to create equal opportunities for persons with different needs and abilities to participate in VET. After the EU accession and especially in the aftermath of the big economic crisis in 2010–2015, Lithuanian VET-systems have taken a more neoliberal direction with a rationalisation involving a narrowing of educational pathways, increasing standardisation (Tūtlys and Vaitkutė 2022). EU accession and implementation of various EU funded measures have contributed to the improvement of the VET schools. However, it has simultaneously led to a polarisation of training and employment opportunities; for vulnerable youth, high quality vocational education is more accessible in urban than in rural areas. Other significant challenges are caused by an insufficient number of special education teachers and psychologists.

In Latvia, the socio-economic conditions affecting VET students’ vulnerability and risk of social exclusion are very similar to Lithuania. They are related to socio-economic disparities due to polarisation of socio-economic opportunities in urban and rural areas, as well as the increased standardisation in neoliberal and market-oriented VET reforms (Tūtlys et al. 2022). EU accession in 2004 played a crucial role in moving the neoliberal agenda of VET policy in Latvia towards a more developmental orientation, which involved not only economic, but also social policy goals. Implementation of lifelong-learning oriented and competence-based VET reforms, developing VET competence centres, as well as fostering work-based learning have been expected to contribute not only to the development of human capital, but also to empowering young people from disadvantaged backgrounds. The implementation of EU policy tools has played a significant role in increasing responsiveness of the VET-systems to deal with youth unemployment and social exclusion, including special training and supervision of teaching and support staff (OECD 2020).

Similar to the other post-Soviet countries, the reform policies in VET in re-independent Estonia after 1991 have been steered by neoliberal trends. These have been focusing on the quality of VET and its efficiency, attractiveness, relevance, transparency, and comparability, resulting in better access for vulnerable youth (Loogma 2016). However, since the Soviet era, the low image of VET has persisted, regardless of attempts to raise its image. The interplay between negative beliefs about the quality and prospects VET offers, and the lower labour market outcomes of VET school graduates, have resulted in negative selection into VET (Loogma et al. 2019). In Estonia, VET has often been seen as an instrument to integrate young people vulnerable to social exclusion into the labour market. At the same time, the yearly dropout rate has increased to approximately 20% (Statistics Estonian 2022).⁵ To counteract these developments, national policy in 2013 stated VET’s obligation to provide support services, including career services, study assistance, social pedagogical, and psychological services (Law of Vocational Education Institutions Act 2013).⁶ This notwithstanding, schools often tend to lack these services, and vocational teachers and other school staff take over (Haaristo and Kirss 2018). Hence, the vocational teachers´ workload becomes increased, challenging teachers’ psychological and social competence (Ümarik and Rekkor 2013).

In summary, notwithstanding extensive policy measures in all four countries to counteract social exclusion, there is simultaneously a shared struggle due to neoliberal developments in VET policies; these aim at increased standardisation and competitive market-orientation, narrowing educational pathways for vulnerable students, causing exclusionary processes. In addition, in some of the Baltic countries, there is a lack of qualified staff – teachers or otherwise – who can guide students who are at risk of non-completion and possible social exclusion. Hence, it becomes relevant to explore the young people’s perspectives on their experiences of participation and learning in VET. Furthermore, current research on students’ educational achievement in VET mainly focuses on the perspectives of policy makers, VET providers and labour market stakeholders, while the perspectives of the young people themselves seem to be lacking, especially concerning youth at risk for social exclusion. In aiming to move educational practice forward, a distinct added value comes from engaging the students in the process (Ainscow 2020), whilst research exposes a need to investigate learning opportunities in VET from the learners’ point of view (Mikkonen et al. 2017). Therefore, it is relevant to gain insight in the young people’s perspectives on their experiences of participation and learning in VET.

Theoretical framework – the concept of participation

The study conceptualises participation in terms of learning, of belonging, as well as in terms of democratic processes. From a sociocultural perspective, learning is emphasised as participation in social practices (Säljö 2016; Wenger 1998). The sociocultural approach enables the understanding of participation in the social practices in which the young people are involved, as learning processes. It further enables understanding of how participation or barriers to participation in VET’s learning communities influence the young people’s identities as a learner, as well as future opportunities, such as formal qualifications and employability. Florian, Black-Hawkins and Rouse (2017) regard participation as concerning all members of a school’s community and as interconnected and ongoing learning processes. The students’ participation, Florian et al. state, is dependent on pedagogical responses to diversity, requiring the processes of learning to be active and collaborative whilst based on relationships of mutual recognition and acceptance. Equitable educational practices therefore aim to increase students’ participation by combatting barriers to participation in the activities of the learning community (Florian, Black-Hawkins, and Rouse 2017, 49). Learning is in its essence a fundamentally social phenomenon, which deeply reflects our social nature as human beings (Wenger 1998). Learning is hence seen as taking part in social life, where participation ‘refers not just to local events of engagement on certain activities with certain people, but to a more encompassing process of being active participants in the practices of social communities and constructing identities in relation to these communities’ (Wenger 1998, 4, original emphasis). Consequently, barriers to participation in the learning community hinder learning (Säljö 2016). In concert with Wenger (1998), the learning communities in VET of school and workplace are communities of practice where learning occurs through participation in everyday practices. Learning occurs through engagement in processes of mutual meaning making, whilst developing a sense of belonging. Learning, according to Wenger (1998), then shifts our identities: ‘[…] learning changes who we are and creates personal histories of becoming in the context of our communities’ (p. 5). Raising academic achievement for all students is thus concerned with a response to diversity, creating equal opportunities for participation in the activities of the learning community (Florian 2015).

Within the context of creating equitable, inclusive educational practices, an additional understanding conceptualises participation as a democratic process. In Norway, national legislation prescribes that democratic principles such as participation and collaboration are imperative in the encounters between teachers and students, as well as their parents (Tveit 2023). By this is meant that students (and their parents) have a legal right to state their opinion about their education, and to influence their situation. The right of the child to be heard is further anchored in United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, General comment No. 12 (United Nations 2016).⁷ Following Tveit (2023), within a Norwegian context, part of the students’ right to be heard involves the teacher’s task to teach students how to engage in these democratic processes; to facilitate students’ democratic participation in a collaborative process that involves issues relevant for the student’s education and life at school. In Norway, schools must ensure that democratic principles such as participation and democratisation permeate everyday life at school, and the schools’ mandate is thus to teach students to become future democratic citizens in an inclusive society (Tveit 2023).

According to Florian et al. (2017, 144), the key to successful development of equitable, inclusive educational practices is ‘the nature of relationships’ between teachers and students. Building on the writings of Coleman (1994), Bourdieu (1977), and Putnam (1993), Field (2017) refers to the significance of relationships as social capital. The notion of social capital builds on the assertion that relationships matter (Field 2017), enabling individuals to ‘get on and get ahead through the connections they have with other people’ (Allan and Persson 2020, 153). Through the quality of human relationships and subsequent connections to other people, and sustaining them over time, individuals may achieve things they would not be able to do, were they on their own. Hence, the social networks that people form constitute a resource (Field 2017). Whereas Bourdieu considered social capital to be an asset of the privileged, in his analysis of Coleman’s take on social capital, Field (2017) draws attention to Coleman’s emphasis on social capital as not being limited to the powerful but providing advantages to marginalised groups, which makes the notion of social capital relevant for exploring VET students at risk for social exclusion. According to Coleman, social capital ‘represents a resource because it involves the expectation of reciprocity and goes beyond any given individual to involve wider networks whose relationships are governed by a high degree of trust and shared values’ (Field 2017, 23). Social capital, according to Coleman, may hence be seen as the set of resources inherent in family and community relations, in the relationships between adults and the young, of value for the young person growing up. For students in VET, and in particular those at risk of social exclusion, social capital or the lack thereof may affect participation in the social networks available to them.

Methods

Research participants

The study presented in this article is based on international collaboration between Norway and the Baltic states, with the purpose to gain insight in the experiences of youth at risk of social exclusion, shedding light on main tendencies shared across four nations despite contextual differences; the intention has hence not been to compare, but rather to gain rich data and open up ‘a stimulating terrain’ (Chapple and Ziebland 2018, 77) across various cultures. The study is exploratory and interpretive in nature, based on 79 qualitative, semi-structured interviews in four countries, exploring the experiences of young people from their perspective (Kvale 2005; Kvale and Brinkmann 2015). The participants were identified by their VET-teachers and social pedagogues as being at risk for social exclusion. The selected age range follows OECD’s definition of young people (OECD 2021, 2023). The interview participants were currently, and/or had been previously, struggling educationally. They were students in VET, either in school or in an apprenticeship, or had previously been enrolled in VET and dropped out. Recruitment covered a breadth in terms of gender, location (urban, suburban, and rural areas), training programmes and years of schooling in VET. Table 1 below provides information on sample characteristics across the four countries:

Table 1. Information on respondents.

Sample characteristics	Lithuania (LT) 22	Latvia (LV) 20	Estonia (E) 20	Norway (N) 17
Location of attended VET centre	1 Urban area (9) 1 Suburban area (5) 1 Rural area (8)	3 Suburban areas (20)	1 Urban area (3) 1 Suburban area (14) 1 Rural area (3)	2 Suburban areas (17)
Gender	Female (13) Male (9)	Female (11) Male (9)	Female (14) Male (6)	Female (11) Male (6)
Years of schooling in VET	1^st year (5) 2^nd year (17)	1^st year (1) 2^nd year (8) 3^rd year (11)	1^st year (7) 2^nd year (11) 3^rd year (2)	1^st (3) 2^nd (6) 3^rd (7) Drop out (1)

Data construction and research ethics

Data was constructed through conducting 79 semi-structured individual interviews (Kvale and Brinkmann 2015), across four different countries. The average duration of the interviews was 45 minutes, conducted in the period from September 2021 to March 2022. In the interview guide, the time aspect of past, present, and future has been chosen as a structural axis, to include previous experiences as well as thoughts about the future and how these might influence current situations. A cross-national format of conducting the interviews was agreed; Much time has been dedicated to cross-national deliberation on mutual understandings of key concepts, because concepts may have dissimilar meanings in different cultures (Chapple and Ziebland 2018). The categories in the interview guide tapped topics concerning 1) Biographical information, 2) Learning at school or at the workplace, 3) Social and educational support at school and in the workplace, 4) Participation at school and in the workplace, 5) Agency: thoughts about personal influence on school/work, and 6) Thoughts about the future. The interviews were audiotaped and transcribed verbatim in their original language.

The study has been assessed by research ethical boards in each country. Ethical considerations have been prevalent, involving close attention to the researchers’ moral responsibility concerning the participants’ vulnerable position (Kvale and Brinkmann 2015). Informed consent, confidentiality, and the responsibility to do no harm have been core principles throughout the research (Guillemin and Gillam 2004).

Analysis

Thematic analyses (Kvale and Brinkmann 2015) were carried out in four phases. The first three phases were conducted individually in each country in the original language. Phase 1 consisted of coding based on the categories in the interview guide. Phase 2 generated key themes that emerged empirically. Phase 3 followed the process of meaning condensation (Kvale and Brinkmann 2015) of the themes that emerged in Phase 1 and 2. Narrative texts were developed based on the following questions: in the context of school and work, what do the young people report about their biographical background/positive experiences/challenges/support/social participation, agency, and thoughts for the future? These four narrative texts were each translated into English. Phase 4 was a cross-national analysis of the four texts, following the process of meaning interpretation (Kvale and Brinkmann 2015). The final phase resulted in three themes that are shared across all four countries, reflecting issues that may support, but also hinder, participation and learning in VET: 1) Family Background, 2) Relationships from Previous Educational Settings, and 3) Relationships in VET-Settings.

Participation and learning in VET: the young people’s perspectives

Family background

Across all four countries, students indicate family as influential in supporting or hindering participation in VET. Family is indispensable, especially in the Baltic countries where support from the state welfare system may be limited. Family support may compensate a lack of vocational career guidance, and parents are strong influencers on decisions. Heli (EE) chose to study construction because of her father, ‘I learned from him, and it started to interest me’. As Janine (N) explains, having the support of a parent ‘does something with you’, making it easier to focus on a goal, and to maintain that focus. Across all countries, a stable family context is described as a supportive influence, and the young people emphasise the support from their family as a decisive factor creating motivation, supporting self-esteem, enabling continuation of, and participation in, their studies. Even in divided families, parents can provide strong psychological support. Vika (LV) says: ‘Despite living elsewhere […] my father supports me always and everywhere’. The support of family members provides a strong motivational factor for young people to engage actively in their education.

On the contrary, having an unstable family life makes participation in VET difficult, because difficult experiences in the past tend to cast their shadow forward, creating barriers to participation. ‘My baggage stays with me and affects me’ (Mary, N). Mary’s history of parental neglect limits the ways in which she manages to engage and participate at school and in the workplace, affecting her learning process. Furthermore, having no family influences students’ participation in VET negatively. Andreas (N) moved to Norway on his own. He expresses that he experienced so many problems that he considered quitting. Having no family to support him, and without opportunities to take part in the learning community, was challenging. For some youths, VET is a refuge from family related difficulties, however the Covid pandemic sharpened existing problems when students lost participation in the physical learning environment. Aiga (LV) reveals, ‘When I’m at home, I’m reminded of a lot of things in childhood that were not good for me. Nor is it the right environment to learn’. Family affect students’ motivation, their self-esteem, and how they view themselves as a learner. The support of significant family members enables young people in challenging situations to keep at it and persevere.

Relationships from previous educational settings

Across all countries, the young people emphasise that relationships – both positive and negative – from previous educational settings influence their current participation in VET. Positive relationships from previous education are described as supporting participation VET in the sense that they provide security, and a listening ear. The young people express that next to family members, teachers from their previous school make them feel secure. When in trouble, students turn to their previous teachers ‘because I know them best […] I always go to them’ (Elen, EE). Especially in the Baltic states, due to often lacking staff such as psychologists and social pedagogues, relationships with relevant others from precious educational settings are considered valuable. Informants feeling lonely in VET consider friendships from previous schools as precious, enabling them to keep going, challenging situations notwithstanding. ‘Those old friends are like family to me’ (Liis, EE). Friendships from previous educational settings provide social arenas to take part in, sustaining the young people’s involvement in VET and making them feel good about themselves.

Besides positive experiences from previous schooling, negative experiences also affect the ways in which students manage to participate in VET. Many young people report having a school history characterised by exclusion, which currently affects the ways in which they manage to engage in learning activities. Stories about unsupportive relationships with teachers and peers, loneliness, bullying, and isolation come forward as influencing current participation, often resulting in psychological and motivational problems, insecurity, and low self-esteem. As Ingrid (N) explains, ‘it is a challenge when you have a history of teachers not having seen you at all, when you haven’t been believed when you say something because you’re only a student’. These previous, negative experiences may cause students to withdraw from participation in the learning community, and ultimately to leave school. Anna (EE) suffers from anxiety and depression resulting from bullying in primary school. In general, upper-secondary school Anna was isolated and depressed, leading to dropout: ‘I was lonely and felt that nobody listened’. Dina (N) talks about ‘hating life’ in lower-secondary. The developed low self-esteem due to extensive bullying in lower-secondary school caused troubles coping in VET, so she dropped out. In some cases, students report negative experiences from general academic upper-secondary schools, where they experienced teachers to be distant. The students subsequently report not being able to cope on their own, resulting in drop-out. ‘Relationships with teachers were much colder than in VET. Many of them were not interested in the students, their lives, concerns or problems, and there was very little help for the students’ (Raminta, LT). Raminta’s remark indicates that she experiences the relationships with her teachers in VET to be more supportive, which makes it easier for her to be motivated to engage in VET.

In summary, even though students express the significance of positive relationships from earlier educational settings for their current situation in VET, frequently also the opposite is the case. It is common for both cases that they affect the students’ participation in the activities of the learning community and their identity as a learner, as well as their social participation. Having a history of isolation and low self-esteem makes social engagement difficult, whilst having doubts about their merits as learners. Across all four countries, the young people indicate that navigating these challenges on their own, is difficult.

Relationships in VET-Settings

Across all countries, having positive relationships in VET with teachers and peers, as well as with supervisors and co-workers, is indicated as helpful. Positive relationships are described as important for motivation and self-esteem, but relationships also create a sense of belonging to the learning community. A sensitive and caring adult at school provides security and trust in being able to cope. Being seen by the teacher ‘made sure that I did not drop out of school and finished that school year’ (Mary, N). ‘It’s a very big difference between being ignored and to be heard’. She argues that, in VET, her teacher gave her confidence, ‘[…] because I had a person who was there for me’ (Mary, N).

Across all countries, the young people characterise relationships with teachers as supportive when there is a level of trust and security, when they feel treated with respect, considered equal, when being given a say in their own situation, and when the teacher boosts their confidence. The students express that supportive teachers hence create opportunities which enable the students to participate in the learning community. Furthermore, the teachers’ actions create a feeling of belonging, which is a significant support, ‘because it is difficult to walk on your own’ (Elly, N). Leaning on her teacher when life is difficult is essential, ‘because then I can create room for something else inside me’ (Elly, N). Similarly, being without family, Andreas (N), expresses that ‘sometimes I need someone older than I am, and then I feel that my teacher takes care of me’. Vika (LV) explains that the dorm teacher ‘comes in the evenings, checking if we’re in the rooms, maybe sitting there, talking to us. We can talk to her about all our problems’. The dorm teacher provides security and a safe space for the students, away from home.

Melis (EE) finds teachers in VET more friendly than in general, upper-secondary school, treating the students as equals: ‘Teachers are much friendlier, and you can talk as if you were an acquaintance, they understand you better, which was not the case in the general school’. This ‘emancipatory’ effect of VET is valued by the young people. ‘I feel like a colleague with vocational teachers. I don’t feel like a student’ (Amanda, LV). Besides a form of social participation, the emancipatory effect of VET may be seen as an example of democratic participation: being treated as equal involves an opportunity to influence own learning situations, generating trust in the teacher. Janis (LV) explains this sense of trust, saying ‘All vocational teachers here know what I am capable of and what tasks I can be entrusted with, and what I should work on’. He explains that, when things are difficult, teachers accept that ‘you have simply been unable to perform like the others, but it does not affect anything because each person is judged on his own merits’. He expresses that this makes him feel confident and it boosts his self-esteem.

Having teachers who create a secure learning environment boosts confidence, ‘in VET, teachers will explain to you repeatedly […] if you don’t understand, they’ll explain even better’ (Cyntia, LV). As Cyntia explains, it generates trust in her teacher, but also confidence in herself as a learner. In this way, her teacher creates for her opportunities for participation. Especially because of difficult life situations, students appreciate even more how teachers influence their opportunities to take part in VET’s learning community.

Sometimes VET teachers assist in finding apprenticeships, which is, as indicated by Andrius (LT), highly supportive. ‘Vocational teachers introduce us to workplaces […] The best way (of helping us) is through apprenticeships, because teachers know a lot of companies’. Thus, VET teachers support vulnerable youth in creating opportunities for participation and learning in work settings. Furthermore, getting an opportunity to influence their own education through for instance participation in student councils provides a social network, boosting confidence and self-esteem. ‘By participating, I can help others’ (Elena, LT). Participation in the student councils contributes to understanding the principles of democratic representation, influencing their own educational organisation, ‘that is power’ (July, LV).

In Estonia, students who used to participate in the CODE programme⁸ found the programme supportive because they experienced belonging to a learning community. They didn’t feel lonely and had friends as ‘safe zones’, talking to mentors, sharing experiences with peers. Students could propose changes, and their needs were taken into consideration. Mark (N) describes such belonging to a learning community as highly motivating, ‘[…] You become happier, you can feel it in your whole body […] people are meant to be with each other’.

Positive experiences concerning relationships in VET notwithstanding, across all four countries negative experiences are reported, which the young people’s accounts express as influencing their opportunities for participation and learning. When a VET teacher does not respond to a student’s needs, the young people describe feelings of disconnectedness, lowering their motivation, increasing feelings of being lonely. Dina (N) explains that ‘when we were in the workshop, all the boys got the teacher’s attention, and I didn’t get the help I needed […] I didn’t understand the point of being there when there wasn’t anyone holding me back. So, I quit’. Her teacher did not create opportunities for her to participate in the activity. Guro (N) explains that having no friends, and teachers who do not care, makes it easy to drop out. ‘When you walk around on your own, not knowing what to do, you don’t want to try anymore’. Experiencing not to belong to the learning community is painful and demotivating. When the young people experience being an outsider in school, motivation drops, and they do not see the point of continuing. Subsequently, the step to leave is a small one.

Lack of support at the workplace and difficulties related to non-supportive relationships with supervisors and co-workers are indicated as hindering participation and learning. Mark (N) used to work as an apprentice in security services with no supervisor assigned to him. He felt his only task was to get the job done, with no regard for him as a learner. There was hardly any social interaction, working night shift on his own. Mark describes being treated badly and how this led to dropping out. ‘I was called negative things […] I was sent to assignments because they didn’t have people, so they sent me instead’. Mark felt powerless. ‘It wasn’t legal, nor morally right, but nothing was ever done about it […] I was being used’. He received no guidance, and felt stuck, because it was not easy to find a workplace, and he was intent on making a good impression. ‘As a trainee, you were used. You were cheap labour, an easy resource’. Mark chose not to complain because he did not want to lose his placement. The importance of being able to influence one’s situation is pointed at by Arūnas (LT). ‘You need to support each other. It’s important not to allow employers to exploit us, because these things happen.’ Arūnas’ experience as a participant in the student parliament in VET provides him with valuable learning needed for securing future professional interests in dialogue with industrial relations. The issue of justice in the workplace is indicated by Arūnas as important for defending both his and his co-workers’ interests on the work floor.

Discussion

The exploration of the young people’s perspectives on their experiences of participation and learning in VET provides insights that contribute to a greater understanding of the circumstances in VET that may influence the learning processes of youth at risk for social exclusion. The findings will be discussed in the light of three themes, i) Fostering Participation and Learning, ii) Building Social Capital, and iii) Teachers’ and Workplace Supervisors’ Competences.

Fostering participation and learning

The findings show that the young people’s accounts describe educational careers characterised by histories of non-participation, due to unstable family backgrounds or non-supportive family ties, or due to social isolation, bullying, mental health issues, or relationships with teachers indicated as non-supportive. Taken from a sociocultural perspective, barriers to participation will cause barriers to learning (Säljö 2016; Wenger 1998). Moreover, from the findings comes forth that having a history of non-participation negatively affects current participation in VET, creating difficulties to engage academically or socially in the learning environment; this influences students’ self-esteem, their identity as a learner, their sense of belonging and subsequently their motivation. In concert with Wenger (1998), having a history of being disconnected from the learning community has an impact on how the young people construct their ability to learn; not being able to be an active participant in the practices of social communities in VET will thus hinder their learning processes.

However, the findings show that teachers and workplace supervisors are in a powerful position to create secure learning environments based on positive relationships that support students’ participation and hence, their learning processes. The relationships indicated as supportive are characterised by mutual recognition and acceptance: a fundamental condition for students’ opportunities to take part in the learning community and hence the key to developing equitable, inclusive educational practices (Florian, Black-Hawkins, and Rouse 2017). When the young people talk about supportive teachers in VET, they describe teachers who facilitate their i) participation in academic activities by responding to their needs, ii) their participation in social activities by creating safe learning environments, iii) their participation in a democratic sense by listening to the students, regarding them with respect and responding to their needs, and iv) helping them to gain apprenticeships. The students experience all these issues as highly motivating; they appreciate the security that teachers provide, as well as the confidence they gain as a learner. They also appreciate being listened to, gaining democratic participatory rights, which teaches them about future democratic citizenship in an inclusive society (Tveit 2023). Thus, despite neoliberal, competition- and market-oriented tendencies in current VET-trajectories across the four different countries, there are teachers who ‘tacitly hold to much broader educational values that include a high regard for the principles of equity and social justice as well as student-centred, inclusive teaching and learning’ (Angus et al. 2013, 572). Supported by their teachers, the young people participate in VET in several ways: 1) by being involved in learning communities with peers and teachers based on mutual trust and respect, 2) by being involved in the social practices at the workplaces, and 3) by taking part in democratic structures such as student councils and similar structures of participatory governance. From their accounts it emerges that the students consider their teachers in VET as central in creating opportunities for participation, and subsequently, for their learning. As such, the students’ accounts show that their participation depends on the teachers’ and supervisors’ responses to diversity, and how these responses reflect equitable educational practices that increase students’ participation by combatting barriers to participation (Florian, Black-Hawkins, and Rouse 2017). When the young people experience non-supportive relationships with their teachers in VET, they describe teachers who do not respond to their needs, which makes learning difficult or meaningless, leaving them feeling disconnected to the learning community and unmotivated.

Building social capital

The findings show that, through creating opportunities for participation, supportive teachers create trust and confidence in the learners. In a Swedish interview study with students in upper-secondary education, Allan and Persson (2020) found that trust and confidence were two elements strongly associated with students’ educational achievement. In line with Allan and Persson, central to the students’ narratives is that it is of the utmost significance that the students feel ‘seen’ by their teacher. The VET students’ accounts refer to teachers who continuously try to motivate them, teachers who instal in them a trust that they can manage even though they might need more time, and teachers who assure students that they will succeed, which is pivotal for the students to keep going. Imperative for the students is that the teachers care and see them, ‘seeming to know the student’s mind’ (Allan and Persson 2020, 156). In concert with Allan and Persson, the VET students regard the relationships with their teachers of the utmost significance for their learning, providing students with a sense of identity that instals in them the confidence of viewing themselves as successful learners.

The findings of this study reveal that supportive relationships in VET are pivotal for students’ participation and educational achievement, because they influence the young people’s self-esteem, their sense of belonging to the learning community, and subsequently their motivation (e.g. see Gagné and Deci 2005). Hence, relationships in the form of social capital matter (Field 2017): family relationships, relationships in previous educational settings, as well as relationships in VET in school settings and the workplace. Following Field (2017), social networks constitute a resource of particular value for students in disadvantaged positions, especially since a lack of social capital may affect these students’ opportunities for participation in the social networks (not yet) available to them. As the findings show, it is difficult for young people affected by adverse life circumstances to ‘walk the walk’ on their own. For these students, staying motivated to keep going may be challenging (Cents-Boonstra et al. 2019). In VET, being part of a learning community on equal par with peers generates motivation, making it easier to encounter difficulties. Furthermore, supportive teachers have a potential to provide connections to workplaces, enabling students to find apprenticeships. Many youths experience to gain social capital by way of their teacher facilitating their participation in the learning community. In line with Allan and Catts (2014, 156), the VET students’ ability to narrate themselves as confident learners, contrary to earlier experiences, appears to be a consequence of the social capital ‘developed through the relationships with the teachers and looked set to enable them to […] both get on and get ahead’.

Although the relational resources will vary between individuals, they may however establish a substantial advantage for VET students at risk for social exclusion. The narratives of non-participation indicate that many of the research participants do not have an abundance of social capital resources, since the young people’s accounts reflect histories of disadvantage, exclusion, disconnectedness, loneliness, and isolation. In line with Coleman (1994), the set of resources inherent in the young people’s family and learning community is social capital which provides advantages to youth at risk for social exclusion and is hence ‘not limited to the powerful’ (Coleman 1994, in; Field 2017, 23). Therefore, building on Field (2017), it is argued that, especially in the case of youth at risk of social exclusion and marginalisation, VET has the potential to develop social capital, building ‘social infrastructures that foster learning’ (Wenger 1998, 225).

Teachers’ and Workplace Supervisors’ competences

Notwithstanding differences across four national contexts such as culture, institutional structures, organisation, and governance of the VET provision, the findings show that in all four countries, teachers and workplace supervisors are essential to developing social capital for students vulnerable to social exclusion. Next to strong evidence of students experiencing the help of supportive teachers, the findings also show cases of teachers neglecting to respond in supportive ways. Building on Allan and Catts (2014), from this follows that VET teachers and workplace supervisors need guidance in how to nurture social capital, and how to support vulnerable students’ participation. The findings indicate that, in line with Allan and Persson (2020), supportive teachers show they believe in the students’ abilities, generating the students’ trust that they will succeed. Hence, the VET teachers’ and workplace supervisors’ trust in the capabilities of students is a source of confidence for the students. The students appreciate that VET teachers and trainers treat them on equal par, as colleagues. However, such mutual trust can also be broken by exploitative or negligent attitudes towards learners’ needs, especially in the field of practical training and work-based learning in the workplaces. This emphasises that the provision of equal opportunities for learning in VET through combatting barriers to participation (Florian, Black-Hawkins, and Rouse 2017) requires a strengthening of the pedagogical component in work-based learning settings, especially when dealing with vulnerable learners (Allan and Catts 2014).

Another vital aspect of trust concerns how vulnerable students regard the employers and labour market actors, which is of particular importance for the students’ future employment and careers. In the neoliberal paradigm’s competitive focus on students’ learning outcomes (Sahlberg 2011), vulnerable students in the Baltic countries may experience an anxiety of being poorly prepared to contact companies for practical training. The findings indicate that the absence of systemic access to work-based learning in these countries is partially compensated by the efforts of vocational teachers to mediate the acquisition of apprenticeships. Similarly, in Norway, VET students must compete for apprenticeships placements with their peers based on their educational merits, leaving especially students at risk for social exclusion vulnerable for not gaining workplace placements (Nevøy and Bruin 2022). Communication and collaboration with experts in the professional field presents an influential source of social capital. This plays an essential role in the perception of meaningfulness of work and occupational choice by the students. When students’ access to participation in communities of work practice is restricted due to institutional, organisational, cultural, and other factors, it contributes to poor learning outcomes, anxiety about the transition from the school to work, motivation, and subsequently to dropping out (see also Cerdà-Navarro, Quintana-Murci, and Salvà-Mut 2022). From this follows that VET’s alleged role as a potential tool for fostering social inclusion due to its ability to bridge the school-to-work apprenticeship, is mediated by contextual factors influencing vulnerable students’ opportunities to become ‘insiders’ in the labour market.

Conclusion

The article shows that VET in all four countries offers potential opportunities for participation for students at risk of social exclusion, which is an emancipatory effect. In learning environments characterised by supportive relationships, with peers, teachers, workplace supervisors and/or co-workers, students take part in the learning community. However, the young people who are vulnerable to social exclusion due to their histories of non-participation, do not navigate these paths of social engagement very well on their own. A key implication of this research is that, in the case of VET students at risk for social exclusion, the mere development of knowledge and skills relevant for employment in the labour market does not suffice. Especially vulnerable learners in VET will need guidance that enables vocational learning as well as citizenship in a democratic society (Björk-Åman and Ström 2023). Furthermore, VET institutions will need to support students’ participation in the learning communities, responding to their needs by facilitating processes of learning that are active and collaborative whilst based on relationships of mutual recognition and acceptance (Florian, Black-Hawkins, and Rouse 2017). The students will need mentoring and scaffolding in the form of a teacher, or a workplace supervisor, to support their participation so they may become a full member of the learning community (Wenger 1998). A central issue in this context is the students’ (and their parents’) right to be heard and to influence their situation (Tveit 2023; UN 2009). This way students may gain opportunities to participate on equal par with their peers, gaining social capital that may be crucial for completing VET. Following Allan and Catts (2014), for this to happen, teachers and workplace supervisors will need guidance to develop the pedagogical competencies necessary to nurture social capital for VET students at risk for social exclusion. As such, the social capital framework is valuable ‘as a language with which to talk about connections, networks, values and trust within research and with policy makers and practitioners, and to persuade them that relationships really do matter’ (Allan and Catts 2014, 226–227). Especially young people at risk for social exclusion will need relationships in VET that generate motivation, trust, and confidence. Future research may further explore the capacities and competence requirements for nurturing vulnerable learners’ social capital through supporting their participation in the learning communities of VET. In so doing, future research may contribute to the development of vocational education and training that is more equitable, inclusive, and socially just, breaking the ‘vicious circle’ of reproduction of disadvantages (Lopez-Fogues 2016, 173), providing more equal opportunities for participation for all learners.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Tarja Tikkanen, Vegard Moen and Stein Erik Ohna from the University of Stavanger, Norway, for their valuable input to earlier stages of the manuscript. We also thank Juris Dzelme and Ginta Tora from the University of Latvia for the work they have done. Finally, we thank the anonymous reviewers for their valuable contributions to the final stages of the manuscript.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This research has been supported by the project “Vocational education and workplace training enhancing social inclusion of at-risk young people (EmpowerVET)” using a grant from Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway through EEA Grants. The aim of the project is to explore how vocational education and training (VET) can enhance social inclusion of young people at-risk, both in terms of combating school drop-out rates and promoting transitions between various (social) learning contexts, such as school-work transition. The project contract with the Research Council of Lithuania (LMTLT) No S-BMT-21-2 (LT08-2-LMT-K-01-010).

Notes

1. https://empowervet.net

2. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/LFSI_NEET_Q/default/table?lang=en&category=educ.educ_outc.edatt.edatt0.edatt0_ Retrieved March 1^st, 2023.

3. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets/en/sheet/60/the-fight-against-poverty-social-exclusion-and-discrimination

4. https://www.ssb.no/arbeid-og-lonn/sysselsetting/statistikk/tilknytning-til-arbeid-utdanning-og-velferdsordninger/artikler/trenden-er-brutt–flere-unge-utenfor-i-2020

5. https://www.stat.ee/en/find-statistics/statistics-theme/education/vocational-education

6. https://www.riigiteataja.ee/en/eli/517062014003/consolide

7. https://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/docs/advanceversions/crc-c-gc-12.pdf, retrieved June 30^th, 2023.

8. ‘CODE – Competence Opportunities for Digital Employment’ is a programme targeted to young people in status of NEET to reintegrate into vocational studies, funded by Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway through the EEA Grants and Norway grants.