THE MALIGNED, MALTREATED MADU: Female Experiences of Polygyny in Three Romantic Syair1

1 The author is greatly indebted to an anonymous IMW reviewer of this article for their pertinent comments and suggestions.

Abstract

This article considers the theme of female conflict within the context of polygynous marriages in the traditional Malay poems Syair Bidasari, Syair Selindung Delima and Syair Yatim Nestapa. The poems' common foregrounding of female concerns, in particular the problems of madu or co-wives engendered by husband sharing, are considered within the context of their popular female reception. A comparison of the poems' treatment of this theme from a female perspective in contrast to other more prevalent male-oriented pieces of literature, poses questions as to the dominant and more latent discourses discernible in the works. It is argued that while the poems do not challenge the male right to polygyny, they do seek to promote an understanding of the difficulties such marriages may entail for women. Situating these poems within their literary and cultural contexts, this article seeks to ascertain whether a gender-sensitive interpretation is warranted in light of historical and anthropological evidence concerning women's experiences in polygynous marriages.

Notes

1 The author is greatly indebted to an anonymous IMW reviewer of this article for their pertinent comments and suggestions.

2 At least 14 MSS of SSD are extant, the oldest is datable to about 1785 and the most recent dated 1870. Two recensions of the poem exist, characterised primarily by their lengths (Hicks 2006). About a dozen (Braginsky 2004: 511) MSS of SB are known to exist, the earliest dated 1814. Two fairly different recensions of SB, known by the names of their first editors, van Hoëvell (1843), and Klinkert (1886) exist. This study will refer to Millie's (2004) edition of Cod. Or. 1964, an example of van Hoëvell's recension. It will also use Munawar's (1978) transliteration of Klinkert 1886. There are only three extant MSS of SYN recorded, all hailing from Riau. Taib's (1966) edition of SYN is based on Klinkert 1886, but also refers to Sulaiman Mari'e's incomplete publication of 1934. Taib's edition of SYN will be used in this study.

3 This is borne out by its recurring literary depiction, see Wangbang Wideya (Robson 1971).

4 As Zoetmulder (1974: 429) has pointed out, the names given to the hero in Panji romances generally indicate his irresistible charm in love. Hence the hero of Wangbang Wideya for example, is named after Wideha, a name of the god of love, Kama. The heroes' frequent romantic outbursts through which they woo their women, as well as their expertise in the practice of lovemaking reflect the aptness of these names.

5 cf. Creese 2000; 2004

6 The hero's union with each of his four wives in this hikayat symbolically represents his attainment of each of the four stages of the Sufi path to fana,or mystical union with God. For a detailed exposition of the Sufi symbolism of the hikayat see Braginsky (2004: 717–27). Hikayat Indraputra, though devoid of internal doctrinal commentary, can also be interpreted as a Sufi allegory on one level (see Braginsky 2004: 727–42).

7 As does the Malay Panji romance, Hikayat Dewa Asmara Jaya (Harun Mat Piah 1980: 75).

8 Characteristic of the female focus of romantic syair, there is another group of poems in which one of the sultan's wives assumes a male disguise in order to rescue her husband such as in Syair Abdul Muluk, Syair Siti Zubaidah, and Syair Sultan Yahya. These poems also centre on the adventures of the heroine, yet here she is the saviour rather than the sufferer, and eventually establishes herself as the foremost of the king's wives through her heroic exploits. See Mulaika Hijjas (2007) for a detailed discussion of this group of syair.

9 Apart from the excerpts taken from Millie's edition of SB, all translations of the poems are the present author's.

10 In the MSS W. 251 (stanza 247), W. 252, and Maxwell 82 of SSD, it is stressed that he spent more time with Puteri Bungsu than the other wives: Di sanalah duduk sehari-hari/ lebih dari keenam puteri. In the prose version Malay C.6. (IO 2715) it is mentioned twice that the king favours Puteri Bungsu (folio14, recto 10–11, 14–15). Also, it is stated that he spends ten nights with Puteri Bungsu and just one with the other six princesses (folio 20, recto 11–12) Bagindah beradu sepuluh malam kepada Puteri Bungsu dan semalam kepada puteri keenam yang demikian kasihan bagindah akan Puteri Bungsu.

11 The sisterly relationship between Lelasari and Bidasari is further confirmed since as well as being co-wives, Bidasari's brother Raja Putra marries Lelasari's sister, thus making them sister-in-laws and strengthening the familial ties.

12 A more recent historical testimony of a woman's feelings towards polygyny is given by Kartini writing in Java in 1900. As the offspring of a polygynous marriage who herself feared and ultimately experienced being married into a polygynous union, Kartini was personally affected by the issue. Regarding men's right to polygyny both in aristocratic circles where they ‘have as many as twenty-six wives’ and in terms of Muslim law she writes, ‘is it not natural that I should hate, despise marriage if it results in the inequality of women in such a gruesome way? […] Almost every woman I know here curses this right that men have’ (Kartini 2005: 57).

13 Djamour's study (1965: 81–87) considers trends in marriage practices and attitudes towards and incidences of polygynous marriages amongst Singapore Malays between 1949–1950 and includes general statements regarding Singapore Malay women's reticence to enter a polygynous marriage and subsequent feelings of humiliation at having a co-wife. She includes a general comment, ‘a woman usually expected her co-wife to hate her, to attempt to poison her, or to secure some means of casting a spell upon her or upon their common husband which would cause him to take her in abhorrence and neglect or divorce her’ (Djamour 1965: 86). Sharifah Zaleha Syed Hassan and Cederroth's (1997: 142) study of the management of marital disputes in the syariah courts of Malaysia cites a number of cases in which the dispute is caused by the husband's taking of another wife, or his intention to do this. While it is stated that ‘many a woman reacts harshly against her husband when he desires to takes a co-wife’, none of the cases involve direct disputes between the co-wives.