Raban Maur’s Sermon Collections and their Sources: A Study of the Manuscripts from the Monastery in Fulda

ABSTRACT

In the ninth and tenth centuries, the Frankish territory almost doubled in size within three generations. When he was crowned as emperor in AD 800, Charlemagne was Europe’s most powerful ruler. But his position could only be secure, if he could bring about unification within his multiracial state. In the context of the large-scale programme of reforms, Charlemagne as well as his son Louis the Pious and his grandson Lothar I particularly trusted in the power of religion. The rank of the Frankish ruler would be relatively inviolable if the same ideas of good and bad as well as right and wrong defined the people’s working and living together. To achieve that goal, five extensive sermon collections were ordered; two of them were prepared by Raban Maur (c. 780–856), the abbot from Fulda, and later archbishop of Mainz. This article identifies the sources from which Raban made his selections. Subsequently, the texts that he used will be compared to manuscripts connected to the monastery in Fulda. By so doing, it is possible to identify the templates for his sermon collections.

KEYWORDS:

• Haimo of Auxerre
• Raban Maur
• Mondsee homiliary
• homiliaries

Acknowledgements

This article is the result of research undertaken at the Institut Bibliotheca Fuldensis that was made possible by the Gangolf Schrimpf Visiting Fellowship in 2015. A special thanks for valuable hints to Dr Johannes Staub, director of the Institute, and his wife, Dr Alessandra Sorbello Staub, director of the Library of the Episcopal Seminary, and the Library of the Faculty of Theology, Fulda. Also many thanks for improving the English translation to Docent Dr Jonathan Adams.

Notes on the Contributor

Christoph Galle is Akademischer Rat at the Department of Protestant Theology, University of Marburg. His research focuses on the cultural history of the Middle Ages in general, and the history of reception in the Carolingian times, the late medieval renaissance and the Reformation era in particular. His most recent publications in connection with the topic of this article are: ‘Zum Umgang mit Zauberern im Rahmen frühmittelalterlicher Missionsanstrengungen’, in Magic and Magicians in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times, ed. by Albrecht Classen, Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture, 18 (Berlin, 2017), pp. 229–55, and ‘Bonifatius als Prediger. Zum Wandel des Predigtamtes und zur Entwicklung eines Predigerideals anhand hagiographischer Quellen des 8. bis 11. Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 97 (2015), 5–45.

Notes

1. Stefan Weinfurter, Karl der Grosse. Der heilige Barbar (Munich, 2013), p. 62: ‘Mit Pippin entstand somit die Konzeption der Herrschaft “von Gottes Gnaden” (gratia dei rex). So hat sich Pippin als erster fränkischer Herrscher in seinen Urkunden genannt.’

2. Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Großen, ed. by Hubert Mordek, Klaus Zechiel-Eckes, and Michael Glatthaar, MGH Fontes iuris germanici antiqui in usum scholarum separatim editi, 16 (Hannover, 2012), p. 180, ll. 1–3. For the dating of the ‘Admonitio generalis’, see Michael Glatthaar, ‘Zur Datierung der Epistola generalis Karls des Großen’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 66 (2010), 455–77.

3. Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Großen, p. 182, ll. 30–32: ‘Nam legimus in regnorum libris, quomodo sanctus Iosias regnum sibi a deo datum circumeundo, corrigendo, ammonendo ad cultum veri dei studuit revocare’.

4. See Thomas Martin Buck, ‘“Capitularia imperatoria”: Zur Kaisergesetzgebung Karls des Großen von 802’, Historisches Jahrbuch, 122 (2002), 3–26 (pp. 18–23).

5. Florence Close, Uniformiser la foi pour unifier l’Empire: La pensée politico-théologique de Charlemagne, Mémoire de la Classe des Lettres. Collection in-8°, 3rd ser., 59 (Brussels, 2011), esp. pp. 211–301. See also Rudolf Schieffer, Christianisierung und Reichsbildungen: Europa 700–1200 (Munich, 2013), esp. pp. 25–57, and Max Diesenberger’s impressive new study Predigt und Politik im frühmittelalterlichen Bayern. Arn von Salzburg, Karl der Große und die Salzburger Sermones-Sammlung, Millennium Studies, 58 (Berlin and Boston, 2016).

6. Three examples may illustrate the enormous number of diverse source references: For the content of faith, see the decisions made by the synod at Frankfurt in 794: Concilia Aevi Karolini 2.1, ed. by Albert Werminghoff, MGH Legum, 3, 2nd edn (Hannover and Leipzig, 1906), no. 19, p. 143. ll. 5–14: ‘In nomine domini nostri Iesu Christi, qui dixit: Ubi sunt duo vel tres congregati in nomine meo, ibi sum in medio eorum, congregatis nobis in unum caritatis conventum, praecipiente et praesidente piissimo et gloriosissimo domno nostro Carolo rege, ad renovandum cum consilio pacificae unanimitatis sanctae Dei ecclesiae statum et ad praedicandam orthodoxae fidei veritatem, in qua divina operante gratia salutis nostrae initium extat et finis, cui nihil augeri potest vel minui, quae una decet esse omnium Christianorum, dicente beato apostolo: Unus dominus, una fides, unum baptisma, unus Deus et pater omnium, qui super omnia et in omnibus nobis. In hac omnis sanctitas vitae, omnis spes remunerationis eternae, sine qua nihil sanctum, nihil Deo acceptabile, nihil vivum. Iustus enim ex fide vivit.’ Regarding the preachers’ education and responsibility Charlemagne’s first capitular from 769 stipulated (Capitularia regum Francorum 1, ed. by Alfred Boretus, MGH Legum, 2 (Hannover, 1883), no. 19, p. 46): ‘16. Quicunque autem a suo episcopo frequenter admonitus de sua scientia, ut discere curet, facere neglexerit, procul dubio et ab officio removeatur et ecclesiam quam tenet amittat, quia ignorantes legem Dei eam aliis annuntiare et praedicare non possunt.’ The regulation was not only limited to Charlemagne’s reign, as the following found among the decisions of the synod of Tours in 813 shows; it subsequently turned up again within the collection of capitulars made by Ansegis in 827, as well as by Walter of Orléans in 869–70 (Concilia Aevi Karolini 2.1, no. 38, p. 287, ll. 12–15): ‘IIII. Sollicite studeat unusquisque gregem sibi commissum sacra praedicatione, quid agere quidve vitare debeat, informare. Et ipse episcopus vita, habitu, forma et conversatione sancta suis subiectis exemplum praebeat, ut iuxta dominicam vocem videant opera eius bona et glorificent patrem Deum, qui in caelis est.’

7. For the edition, see Patrologia Latina, 95, cols 1159A–1580D. See also Friedrich Wiegand, Das Homiliarium Karls des Grossen auf seine ursprüngliche Gestalt hin untersucht, Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und der Kirche, 1 (Leipzig, 1897), and Georg Loeck, Die Homiliensammlung des Paulus Diakonus, die unmittelbare Vorlage des Otfridischen Evangelienbuchs (Kiel, 1890). Many thanks to Zachary Guiliano for giving me a copy of his as yet unpublished PhD Thesis ‘The Composition, Dissemination, and Use of the Homiliary of Paul the Deacon in Carolingian Europe from the Late Eighth to Mid-Tenth Century’ (University of Cambridge, 2016). For the context of the origin of Paul’s homiliary, see also Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms 789–895, Royal Historical Society Studies in History, 2 (London, 1977), pp. 80–84.

8. Johannes Fried, Karl der Große. Gewalt und Glaube. Eine Biographie, 4th edn (Munich, 2014), p. 288: ‘collection of sermons by the Church Fathers which were to serve as model sermons for the entire Frankish Empire’.

9. See Walter Pohl, ‘Paulus Diaconus’, in Neue Deutsche Biographie, 26 vols (Berlin, 1953–2016), xx (2001), 131–32.

10. Cf. Henri Barré, ‘L’homiliaire carolingien de Mondsee’, Revue Bénédictine, 71 (1961), 71–107 (p. 79). See also the chapter on ‘Mondseer Schreibschule des VIII. und IX. Jahrhunderts’ in Bernhard Bischoff, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, 2 vols (Wiesbaden, 1940–80), ii (1980), 9–16. According to the description of the manuscript Cod. 1014 at the Austrian National Library in Vienna the homiliary was ordered by Lantperhtus; see Julius Hermann, Die frühmittelalterlichen Handschriften des Abendlandes, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften in Österreich, 8 vols (Leipzig, 1905–38), i (1905), 176–78 (p. 176). It is clear that the work has been dedicated to Hildebald, the archbishop of Cologne; see Hermann, Die frühmittelalterlichen Handschriften des Abendlandes, p. 176; Barré, L’homiliaire carolingien de Mondsee, p. 79. For the content of the homiliary, see esp. Joseph Lemarié, ‘L’homéliaire carolingien de Mondsee, témoin de sermons d’un Pseudo-Fulgence’, in Philologia Sacra: Biblische und patristische Studien für Hermann J. Frede und Walter Thiele zu ihrem siebzigsten Geburtstag, ed. by Roger Gryson, Vetus latina. Aus der Geschichte der lateinischen Bibel, 24.2 (Freiburg, 1993), pp. 568–81.

11. Barré, ‘L’homiliaire carolingien de Mondsee’, p. 79.

12. For the list of manuscripts, see Henri Barré, Les homéliaires carolingiens de l’école d’Auxerre. Authenticité – Inventaire – Tableaux comparatifs – Initia, Studi e Testi, 225 (Città del Vaticano, 1962), p. 62. See also Louis Holtz, ‘L’école d’Auxerre’, in L’école carolingienne d’Auxerre. De Murethach à Remi 830–908, ed. by Dominique Iogna-Prat (Paris, 1991), pp. 131–46.

13. Barré, ‘Les homéliaires carolingiens de l’école d’Auxerre’, pp. 49–70.

14. Patrologia Latina, 118, cols 9A–816B.

15. Dominique Iogna-Prat, ‘B. Haymon’, in Saint-Germain d’ Auxerre. Intellectuels et artistes dans l’Europe carolingienne IX^e–XI^e siècles, ed. by Musée-Abbaye Saint-Germain (Auxerre, 1990), pp. 36–37. See also Dominique Iogna-Prat, ‘L’œuvre d’Haymon d’Auxerre’, in Iogna-Prat, L’école carolingienne d’Auxerre, pp. 157–80.

16. See Isnard W. Frank, ‘Predigt. VI. Mittelalter’, in Theologische Realenzyklopädie, 36 vols (Berlin, 1977–2004), xxvii (1997), 248–62 (p. 254).

17. Patrologia Latina, 118, cols 11B–746D.

18. Patrologia Latina, 118, cols 747A–804B.

19. Patrologia Latina, 118, cols 803C–16B.

20. The title reads as follows (Patrologia Latina, 118, col. 9B): ‘HOMILIARUM SIVE CONCIONUM AD PLEBEM IN EVANGELIA DE TEMPORE ET SANCTIS, Quemadmodum in ecclesiis per totum annum leguntur nunc primum conjunctim excusarum, PARS UTRAQUE, HOC EST HIEMALIS ET AESTIVALIS, Quam fieri potuit diligentissime elaborata’.

21. See, for example, Cyril Lawrence, ‘Paul the Deacon’s Patristic Anthology’, in The Old English Homily and its Background, ed. by Paul E. Szarmach and Bernard Felix Huppé (Albany, NY, 1978), pp. 75–97; Charles D. Wright, ‘Hiberno-Latin and Irish-Influenced Biblical Commentaries, Florilegia, and Homily Collections’, in Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary Culture. A Trial Version, ed. by Frederick M. Biggs, Thomas D. Hill, and Paul E. Szarmach (Binghamton, NY, 1990), pp. 87–123.

22. Frank, ‘Predigt. VI. Mittelalter’, p. 254: ‘Newer and expanded collections can only be detected again in the manuscripts of the eleventh and twelfth centuries’. For preaching, sermons, and sermon literature during the early Middle Ages, see especially Prédication et liturgie au Moyen âge, ed. by Nicole Bériou and Franco Morenzoni (Turnhout, 2008); Thomas N. Hall, ‘The Early Medieval Sermon’, in The Sermon, ed. by Beverly Maine Kienzle, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental, 81/83 (Turnhout, 2000), pp. 203–70; Nicole Bériou, ‘Les sermons latins après 1200’, in The Sermon, pp. 363–447; Nicole Bériou, Prier au Moyen Age. Pratiques et expériences (V^e–XV^e siècles) (Turnhout, 1991); Marianne G. Briscoe, Artes praedicandi, Typologie des Sources du Moyen Âge occidental, 61 (Turnhout, 1992); Anton Linsenmayer, Geschichte der Predigt in Deutschland. Von Karl dem Großen bis zum Ausgange des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1886); Michael Menzel, Predigt und Predigtorganisation im Mittelalter (Freiburg, 1991); Die deutsche Predigt im Mittelalter. Internationales Symposium am Fachbereich Germanistik der Freien Universität Berlin vom 3.–6. Oktober 1989, ed. by Volker Mertens and Hans-Jochen Schiewer (Tübingen, 1992).

23. Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 10B–134D. See also Raymund Kottje, ‘Rabanus Maurus’, in Verfasserlexikon, ed. by Kurt Ruh and others, 2nd edn, 11 vols (Berlin, 1978–2004), iv (1983), 166–96 (pp. 175–77). Regarding the tradition of manuscripts, Kottje wrote (p. 176): ‘Die Sermones-Kompilation für Haistulf konnte bislang nur im clm 14629 (10. Jh., aus St. Emmeram) nachgewiesen werden[.] […] Im Übrigen sind einzelne Homilien […] in zahlreiche Homiliensammlungen des Mittelalters, vor allem bis zum 12. Jh., übernommen worden’ (The sermon collection for Haistulf has so far only been detected in clm 14629, tenth century from St Emmeram […] Generally, some homilies are included in numerous homily collections from the Middle Ages). See also especially Raymond Étaix, ‘Le recueil de sermons composé par Raban Maur pour Haistulfe de Mayence’, Revue des études augustiniennes, 32 (1986), 124–37. For Raban’s sermon collections, see especially Clare Woods, ‘Six New Sermons by Rabanus Maurus on the Virtues and Vices’, Revue Bénédictine, 107 (1997), 280–306; for the tradition of manuscripts, see Verzeichnis der Handschriften mit den Werken des Rabanus Maurus, ed. by Raymund Kottje and Thomas A. Ziegler, MGH Hilfsmittel, 27 (Hannover, 2012).

24. See Epistolae Karolini aevi III, ed. by Eduard Dümmler, MGH Epistolarum, 5 (Berlin, 1899), p. 391, no. 6. Jacques-Paul Migne presents the same text as praefatio of the sermon collection (Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 9A–10A).

25. Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 391, l. 8: ‘Iussionibus tuis obtemperans, beatissime pater, sermonem confeci ad praedicandum populo de omnibus quae necessaria eis credidi.’

26. Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 391.

27. Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 391, ll. 9–20: ‘hoc est primum qualem observantiam deberent habere in festivitatibus praecipuis, quae sunt in anni circulo, ut vacantes ab opere mundano, non vacui fierent a verbo divino, sed cognoscentes Dei voluntatem factis eam implere studerent. Deinde texuimus praedicationem illis de diversis speciebus virtutum, id est de fide spe et charitate, de castitate, continentia et caeteris speciebus virtutum […]. Postea vero alium adiunximus sermonem de variis errorum et vitiorum seductionibus, cum quibus antiquus hostis humanum genus deludit ac decipit, hoc est de malo superbiae et iactantiae, irae, invidiae, fraudis, avaritiae, gulae et fornicationis et his similibus, ut scirent Christi oves, quomodo lupi ferocissimi et draconis saevissimi morsus evadere et praevisos cavere possent.’

28. See Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 10A–78C.

29. See Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 78C–134D. Rabani Mauri, ex abbate Fuldensi, Archiepiscopi sexti Moguntini, Opera, quae reperiri potuerunt, omnia, in sex tomos distincta, ed. by Georges Colvener, 6 vols (Cologne, 1626–27), v (1626), 580–626.

30. Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 135C–457D. See also Raymond Étaix, ‘L’homéliaire composé par Raban Maur pour l’empereur Lothaire’, Recherches augustiniennes, 19 (1984), 211–40; Marianne Pollheimer, ‘Der Prediger als Prophet – Die Homiliensammlung des Hrabanus Maurus für Lothar I.’, in Zwischen Niederschrift und Wiederschrift. Frühmittelalterliche Hagiographie und Historiographie im Spannungsfeld von Kompendienüberlieferung und Editionstechnik, ed. by Richard Corradini, Max Diesenberger, and Meta Niederkorn-Bruck (Vienna, 2010), pp. 285–300.

31. See Epistolae Karolini aevi III, pp. 503–04, no. 49.

32. See Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 503, ll. 21–38.

33. See Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 504, ll. 12–14: ‘Quod si minus quid ibi inveneritis, vos, quesumus, sollicita cura uberius adhibeatis iunctis omeliis vel sermonibus diversorum temporum et ieiuniorum seu festivitatum a sanctis patribus in ecclesia ad populum habitis.’

34. Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 504, ll. 8–20.

35. Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 504, ll. 24–31.

36. For the tradition of manuscripts, see Kottje, ‘Rabanus Maurus’, p. 176, and Verzeichnis der Handschriften mit den Werken des Rabanus Maurus.

37. As Migne only included in the Patrologia Latina the second part of the collection dedicated to Lothar, the first part is only available in the older edition by Colvener: Rabani Mauri […] Opera, pp. 626–746 (pp. 626–40).

38. Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 135C–468B.

39. Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 506, ll. 2–8: ‘Cognoscat almitas vestra, mi domine, quod sicut primam partem homiliarum in lectiones evangelicas atque apostolicas mihi scribere iussistis, quam etiam a natali Domini incipiens usque in vigilias paschae perduxi et vobis peractam transmisi, ita a pascha usque ad quintam decimam dominicam post pentecosten secundam partem pertraxi […]. Tertiam vero partem a termino supra notato usque ad finem anni perducere, si Deus ita voluerit, cogito atque decerno.’

40. Agobard archbishop of Lyon had been a follower of Lothar since the 820s. See Egon Boshof, ‘Kaiser Lothar I.: Das Ringen um die Einheit des Frankenreichs’, in Lothar I. Kaiser und Mönch in Prüm. Zum 1150. Jahr seines Todes, ed. by Reiner Nolden, Veröffentlichungen des Geschichtsvereins Prümer Land, 55 (Prüm, 2005), pp. 11–71 (p. 24); Egon Boshof, Ludwig der Fromme (Darmstadt, 1996), pp. 196–97. Also during this period, the counts Matfrid, Hugo, and Lambert of Nantes were among Lothar’s favourites; see Boshof, Kaiser Lothar I.: Das Ringen um die Einheit des Frankenreichs, p. 27; Philippe Depreux, Prosopographie de l'entourage de Louis le Pieux (781–840), Instrumenta, 1 (Sigmaringen, 1997), pp. 288–89. Hugo and Matfrid were also two of the persons who confessed their sins together with Lothar in front of his father; see Regesta Imperii I: Die Regesten des Kaiserreiches unter den Karolingern, 2nd edn, ed. by J. F. Böhmer and E. Mühlbacher (Hildesheim, 1966), no. 931d, p. 378; Nithardi historiarum libri IV, ed. by Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH Scriptores II (Hannover, 1829), lib. I, ch. 5, p. 653. In addition to the aforementioned men, Lothar was accompanied to Italy by Agimbert count of Perthois, Adelgis count of Parma, the imperial huntsman Burgarit, the consiliarius regis Haimo, the archbishop Bartholomew of Narbonne, and the bishops Jesse of Amiens, Heribald of Auxerre, and Elias of Troyes. See Bernhard von Simson, Jahrbücher des Fränkischen Reichs unter Ludwig dem Frommen, 2 vols (Leipzig, 1874–76), ii (1876), 115–16; Jörg Jarnut, ‘Ludwig der Fromme, Lothar I. und das Regnum Italiae’, in Herrschaft und Ethnogenese im Frühmittelalter. Gesammelte Aufsätze von Jörg Jarnut, ed. by Matthias Becher (Münster, 2002), pp. 341–54 (p. 351); Böhmer, Mühlbacher, Regesta Imperii I, no. 962a, pp. 389–90. Due to a fever epidemic the following persons died in 837, i.e. before Raban finished his collection: Hugo of Tours, Matfrid of Orléans, Lambert of Nantes, Gottfried and his son, Agimbert of Perthois, Burgarit, Jesse of Amiens, and Elias of Troyes; see Boshof, Kaiser Lothar I.: Das Ringen um die Einheit des Frankenreichs, p. 30.

41. Boshof, Kaiser Lothar I.: Das Ringen um die Einheit des Frankenreichs, p. 29.

42. Boshof, Kaiser Lothar I.: Das Ringen um die Einheit des Frankenreichs, p. 30

43. Simson, Jahrbücher des Fränkischen Reichs unter Ludwig dem Frommen, pp. 115–16; Jarnut, Ludwig der Fromme, Lothar I. und das Regnum Italiae, p. 351.

44. Simson, Jahrbücher des Fränkischen Reichs unter Ludwig dem Frommen, pp. 205–6.

45. Boshof, Kaiser Lothar I.: Das Ringen um die Einheit des Frankenreichs, pp. 33, 53.

46. Boshof, Kaiser Lothar I.: Das Ringen um die Einheit des Frankenreichs, p. 47; Die Konzilien der karolingischen Teilreiche 843–859, ed. by Wilfried Hartmann, MGH Legum, 4 (Hannover, 1984), no. 5, p. 25.

47. Theodor Schieffer, Die Urkunden der Karolinger, 3 vols (Berlin, Zurich, 1966), iii: Die Urkunden Lothars I. und Lothars II., 15–16.

48. Ernst Robert Curtius, Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter, 11th edn (Tübingen, Basel, 1993), p. 95.

49. Detlev Zimpel, Rabanus Maurus. De institutione clericorum libri tres. Studien und Edition, Freiburger Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte, 7 (Frankfurt, 1996), p. 63: ‘Is Raban’s achievement really so meagerly original? Did he really just compile uncomprehendingly? Is it pure plagiarism?’ See also Maria Rissel, Rezeption antiker und patristischer Wissenschaft bei Rabanus Maurus. Studien zur karolingischen Geistesgeschichte, Lateinische Sprache und Literatur des Mittelalters, 7 (Frankfurt, 1976), p. 10.

50. Klaus Zechiel-Eckes, ‘Ein Dummkopf und Plagiator? Rabanus Maurus aus der Sicht des Diakons Florus von Lyon’, in Raban Maur et son temps, ed. by Philippe Depreux and others, Collection Haut Moyen Âge, 9 (Turnhout, 2010), pp. 119–35.

51. Zimpel, Rabanus Maurus, pp. 66–67.

52. Zimpel, Rabanus Maurus, p. 68: ‘He followed a kind of card-indexing principle, by which he must have noted or remembered which patristic quotation he had already used and which he had not.’

53. See Marc-Aeilko Aris, ‘Rabanus Maurus und die Bibliotheca Fuldensis’, in Rabanus Maurus. Gelehrter, Abt von Fulda und Erzbischof von Mainz, ed. by Franz J. Felten and Barbara Nichtweiß (Mainz, 2006), pp. 51–69 (p. 56).

54. See Marc-Aeilko Aris, ‘Nostrum est citare testes. Anmerkungen zum Wissenschaftsverständnis des Rabanus Maurus’, in Kloster Fulda in der Welt der Karolinger und Ottonen, ed. by Gangolf Schrimpf, Fuldaer Studien, 7 (Frankfurt, 1996), pp. 437–64 (p. 442). See also Hanns-Christoph Picker, Pastor doctus. Klerikerbild und karolingische Reformen bei Rabanus Maurus, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische Geschichte. Abt. für abendländische Religionsgeschichte, 186 (Mainz, 2001), p. 10: ‘Nachdrücklich betont Rabanus, daß er sich in allem auf die Autorität der Vorväter gestützt habe. […] Teils habe er wörtlich aus deren Schriften zitiert, teils paraphrasiert, teils eigene Bemerkungen ergänzt. In allem habe er sich aber nach der katholischen Wahrheit gerichtet.’ In the preface of his commentary on Ezekiel, that was also dedicated to Lothar, Raban stressed that he had accepted from the Church Fathers all that is relevant, and that as far as possible he had done it without phrases of his own. The reason for this was that in Raban’s eyes it would signal arrogance and arrogation if someone though that he could argue better than the Church Fathers. See Epistolae Karolini aevi III, pp. 476–78, no. 39 (p. 477, ll. 8–40).

55. In his article, Kottje pointed out the desideratum that still remains unresolved, whether ‘er die Texte auch redigiert, evtl. Eigenes hinzugefügt hat’ (‘Rabanus Maurus’, p. 176). The fact that Raban re-worked passages on his own in his texts is verified, for example, by Zimpel (Rabanus Maurus, p. 77), Woods (‘Six New Sermons by Rabanus Maurus’, p. 281), and the evaluation presented in Hrabani Mauri opera exegetica. Repertorium fontium, ed. by Silvia Cantelli Berarducci, Instrumenta patristica et mediaevalia, 38B, 3 vols (Turnhout, 2006), iii: Apparatus fontium (in Mattheum – Homiliae in Evangelia et Epistolas), Indici. Following Bonaventure’s definition, Alastair Minnis precisely summed up the special role of a compilator: ‘The auctor contributes most, the scriptor contributes nothing of his own. The scribe is subject to material composed by other men which he should copy as carefully as possible, nihil mutando. The compilator puts together the writings of other men, adding no opinion of his own (de suo).’ See Alastair Minnis, ‘Discussions of “Authorial Role” and “Literary Form” in Late-Medieval Scriptural Exegesis’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur, 99 (1977), 37–65 (p. 44). Minnis’s observations on the later medieval compilations may also be attributed to the collections of the Carolingian Age. During the Middle Ages compilations were highly valued as well, since the Book of Wisdom, the Psalms, or the second book of the Maccabees were defined as compilations (Minnis, ‘Discussions of “Authorial Role”’, p. 46–47, 64). At another place Minnis paid tribute to the medieval usage of compilations (‘Late-Medieval Discussions of Compilatio and the Rôle of the Compilator’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur, 101 (1979), 385–421 [pp. 386–87]): ‘Compilations, with their various methods of subdividing and organising material and their elaborate systems of cross-reference, presented excerpts from important works in a convenient and predigested way.’ On the intentions of medieval authors preparing a compilation, see Minnis, Late-Medieval Discussions of Compilatio and the Rôle of the Compilator, pp. 388–89, 94–97, 401–04.

56. See, for example, Zimpel, Rabanus Maurus, p. 76; Aris, Nostrum est citare testes, p. 451.

57. See Elisabeth Heyse, Rabanus Maurus’ Enzyklopädie ‘De rerum naturis’. Untersuchungen zu den Quellen und zur Methode der Kompilation, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung, 4 (Munich, 1969); Raymund Kottje, ‘Bibel, Tradition, Seelsorge. Zu Grundlagen und Perspektiven Rabans’, Archa Verbi, 4 (2007), 142–54; Raymund Kottje, Die Bußbücher Halitgars von Cambrai und des Rabanus Maurus. Ihre Überlieferung und ihre Quellen, Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters, 8 (Berlin, 1980); Franz Falk, ‘Der hl. Rabanus Maurus als Exeget’, Studien und Mitteilungen aus dem Benedictiner- und dem Cistercienser-Orden mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Ordensgeschichte und Statistik, 20 (1899), 640–46, as well as Franz Falk, ‘Der hl. Rabanus Maurus als Exeget’, Studien und Mitteilungen aus dem Benedictiner- und dem Cistercienser-Orden mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Ordensgeschichte und Statistik, 21 (1900), 68–77.

58. ‘Der Sammelpunkt wissensdurstiger Jünglinge aus allen Teilen des Reiches’, Johann Baptist Hablitzel, Rabanus Maurus. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Exegese, Biblische Studien, 11 (Freiburg, 1906), p. 2.

59. Hrabani Mauri opera exegetica. Repertorium fontium.

60. If in one single sermon the same template is quoted, this is counted only once, as we are only interested in the frequency of the authorities, but not of their texts. For that reason, there is no distinction between different texts of the same author. The authors’ names represent the following works (in alphabetical order): Alcuin: ‘De virtutibus et vitiis’, ‘Expositio in Iohannis evangelium’; Ambrose of Milan (including Ambrosiaster): ‘De virginibus’, ‘In epistulam ad Romanos’, ‘In epistulam ad Corinthios secundam’; Augustine: ‘De sermone Domini in monte libri II’, ‘Sermones’; Bede the Venerable: ‘Explanatio Apocalypsis’, ‘Homeliarum evangelii libri II’, ‘In epistulam Ioannis primam’, ‘In epistulam primam Petri’, ‘In Lucae evangelium expositio’, ‘In Marci evangelium expositio’, ‘Super Acta Apostolorum expositio’; Caesarius of Arles: ‘Sermones’; John Cassian: ‘De institutis coenobiorum’; Cyprian of Carthage: ‘De catholicae ecclesiae unitate’, ‘De habitu virginum’; Eugippius: ‘Excerpta ex operibus sancti Augustini’; Eusebius Gallicanus: ‘Sermonum LXXVI Collectio’; Fulgentius of Ruspe: ‘Sermones’; Gregory I: ‘Homiliae in Evangelia’, ‘Moralia sive Expositio in Iob’; Jerome of Stridon: ‘Commentarii in Esaiam’, ‘Commentarii in evangelium Matthaei’, ‘In Ioelem prophetam’, ‘Non queo quod mente concipio’ (= Easter sermon); Isidore of Seville: ‘In Genesim’; Leo I: ‘Tractatus’; Maximus of Turin: ‘Sermones’; Ps.-Augustine: ‘Sermones’; Ps.-Bede: ‘Collectio homiliarium a Ioanne Gymnico excusa’; Ps.-Jerome: ‘Quomodo miles superexercetur’ (= Lenten sermon); Ps.-Maximus: ‘Sermones’; Ps.-Origen: ‘Homiliae VIII in Matthaeum; S. de Beaune’ = ‘Sermones de Beaune’; Smaragdus: ‘Collectiones epistularum et evangeliorum’; Sulpicius Severus: ‘Vita Martini’; Theodulf of Orléans: ‘Capitula ad presbyteros parochiae suae’.

61. See Donald A. Bullough, Alcuin: Achievement and Reputation. Being Part of the Ford Lectures Delivered in Oxford in Hilary Term 1980 (Leiden and Boston, 2004); Bernhard Bischoff, ‘Die Hofbibliothek Karls des Großen’, in Mittelalterliche Studien. Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, ed. by Bernhard Bischoff, 3 vols (Stuttgart, 1966–81), iii (1981), 149–69; Émile Lesne, Les Livres ‘Scriptoria’ et Bibliothèques du commencement du VIII^e a la fin du XI^e siècle, Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France, 4 (Lille, 1938); Mittelalterliche Bücherverzeichnisse des Klosters Fulda und andere Beiträge zur Geschichte der Bibliothek des Klosters Fulda im Mittelalter, ed. by Gangolf Schrimpf, Josef Leinweber, and Thomas Martin, Fuldaer Studien, 4 (Frankfurt, 1992).

62. This definition is to be found, for example, in Phyllis B. Roberts, ‘Preaching and Sermon Literature: Western European’, in Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. by Joseph R. Strayer and others, 10 vols (New York: Scribner 1982–89), x (1989), 75–82.

63. See Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 391, ll. 8, 16.

64. See footnote 40 and Epistolae Karolini aevi III, p. 506, ll. 9–11: ‘ubi etiam prope terminum ipsius operis de sanctorum festivitatibus necnon et de aliis celebritatibus, quae de diversis causis observandae a patribus statutae sunt, sermones conscripti tenentur.’

65. On the collection prepared for Haistulf, see, for example: Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14629: http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00007308/image_1 (accessed 22.08.2017); Würzburg, Universitätsbibliothek, Ms. M. p. th. f. 80: http://vb.uni-wuerzburg.de/ub/mpthf80/pages/mpthf80/1.html (accessed 22.08.2017).

66. Karl Christ, Die Bibliothek des Klosters Fulda im 16. Jahrhundert. Die Handschriften-Verzeichnisse, Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, Beiheft, 64 (Leipzig, 1933).

67. Cf. Gangolf Schrimpf, Mittelalterliche Bücherverzeichnisse des Klosters Fulda; Gangolf Schrimpf, Kloster Fulda in der Welt der Karolinger und Ottonen; Gedenkfeier der Theologischen Fakultät Fulda für Gangolf Schrimpf (1935–2001). Mit Schriftenverzeichnis und Vita, ed. by Bernd Willmes, Fuldaer Hochschulschriften, 32 (Frankfurt, 2002). On Fulda as an early medieval centre for the production of literature, see Gereon Becht-Jördens and Wolfgang Haubrichs, ‘Fulda’, in Schreiborte des deutschen Mittelalters. Skriptorien – Werke – Mäzene, ed. by Martin Schubert (Berlin, 2013), pp. 175–215. On manuscripts from Fulda, see, among others, Bibliotheca Fuldensis. Ausgewählte Handschriften und Handschriftenfragmente aus der mittelalterlichen Bibliothek des Klosters Fulda, ed. by Marc-Aeilko Aris and Regina Pütz, Dokumentationen zur Stadtgeschichte, 29 (Fulda, 2010); Marc-Aeilko Aris and Regina Pütz, ‘Fulda, Bibliotheksgeschichte’, in Die benediktinischen Mönchs- und Nonnenklöster in Hessen, ed. by Friedhelm Jürgensmeier, Franziskus Büll, and Regina E. Schwerdtfeger, Germania Benedictina, 7 (St. Ottilien, 2004), pp. 341–49; Klaus Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften dürfen der Bibliothek des Klosters Fulda zugerechnet werden? Fuldaer Hochschulschriften, 23a–b, 2 vols (Frankfurt, 1995–96); Fuldische Handschriften aus Hessen. Mit weiteren Leihgaben aus Basel, Oslo, dem Vatikan und Wolfenbüttel. Katalog zur Ausstellung anläßlich des Jubiläums ‘1250 Jahre Fulda’, Hessische Landesbibliothek Fulda, 19. April bis 31. Mai 1994, ed. by Hartmut Broszinski and Sirka Heyne, Veröffentlichungen der Hessischen Landesbibliothek Fulda, 6 (Fulda, 1994); Die theologischen Handschriften der Hessischen Landesbibliothek Fulda bis zum Jahr 1600. Codices Bonifatiani 1–3; Aa 1–145 a, ed. by Regina Hausmann, Die Handschriften der Hessischen Landesbibliothek Fulda, 1 (Wiesbaden, 1992), and http://ibf.thf-fulda.de/publikationen-0 (accessed 22.08.2018).

68. Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), Teil 1: Aachen-Lambach, ed. by Bernhard Bischoff (Wiesbaden, 1998); Bernhard Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), Teile 2–3, ed. by Birgit Ebersperger (Wiesbaden, 2004–14).

69. See Herrad Spilling, ‘Das Fuldaer Skriptorium zur Zeit des Rabanus Maurus’, in Rabanus Maurus. Lehrer, Abt und Bischof, ed. by Raymund Kottje and Harald Zimmermann (Wiesbaden, 1982), pp. 165–81; Herrad Spilling, ‘Irische Handschriftenüberlieferung in Fulda, Mainz und Würzburg’, in Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, ed. by Heinz Löwe, 2 vols (Stuttgart, 1982), ii (1982), 876–902; Herrad Spilling, ‘Angelsächsische Schrift in Fulda’, in Von der Klosterbibliothek zur Landesbibliothek. Beiträge zum 200jährigen Bestehen der Hessischen Landesbibliothek Fulda, ed. by Artur Brall, Bibliothek des Buchwesens, 6 (Stuttgart, 1978), pp. 47–98.

70. The references follow the system used by Cantelli Berarducci (Hrabani Mauri opera exegetica): ‘serm.’(= Sermons of the collection for Haistulf) and ‘hom.’ (= Sermons or homilies of the collection for Lothar). The Roman numeral refers to the first or second part of each collection. Excerpts from the sermons written by Augustine are to be found in serm. I, nos 20, 24, 25, 36 and serm. II, nos 57, 68, 69.

71. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, iii, 511; Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, i, 81–82; Hans Butzmann, Die Weissenburger Handschriften, Kataloge der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, 10 (Frankfurt, 1964), pp. 223–25.

72. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, iii, 45–46; Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, i, 45–46; http://www.mirabileweb.it/manuscript/Paris,_Biblioth%C3%A8que_Nationale_de_France,_lat._1771/678 (accessed 22.08.2018).

73. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, iii, 505; Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, i, 58–59.

74. The sermons are numbered according to the text edited by Migne in his Patrologia Latina, 38–39.

75. Therein the sermons 355 and 356 (Patrologia Latina, 39, pp. 1568–81) are included.

76. See serm. I. 6, 8, 22, 39, 40, hom. I, no. 93, and hom. II, nos 2, 110.

77. For the fragments Marburg, Staatsarchiv, Hr 2, 10a–c and Marburg, Staatsarchiv, Depot: von Buttlarsches Archiv, s.n., see Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, ii, 172; Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, ii, 23, 51–52; Aris and Pütz, Bibliotheca Fuldensis, p. 104–05; Spilling, Angelsächsische Schrift in Fulda, p. 66, note 55. For the fragment Wertheim, Evangelisches Pfarrarchiv, parish register of 1556–76 (book cover, not detached), see Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, iii, 474, and Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, ii, 51–52.

78. See hom. I, nos 41, 53, 63, 80 and hom. II, nos 20, 98, 128, 157.

79. Raban used this title in the following sermons: hom. I, nos 7, 29, 40, 52, 55, 64, 69, 70, and II, nos 25, 52, 66, 68, 70, 74, 75, 77, 80, 82, 85, 87, 95, 133, 136, 138, 139, 144, 150, 162.

80. See http://www.manuscripta-mediaevalia.de/?xdbdtdn!%22obj%2031601943%22&dmode=doc#|6 (accessed 22.08.2018).

81. The Explanatio Apocalypsis is only used by Raban in hom. II, no. 71.

82. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, i, 374, 528; Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, i, 35.

83. Quotations are to be found in hom. II, nos 59, 61, 63, 65, 67, 69.

84. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, i, 338; Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, iii, 528. The text of the Würzburg fragment reads: ‘sive excutitur pulvis, ut nihil ab eis accipiant, nec ad victum quidem necessarium, qui Evangelium spreverunt. Discipuli quoque replebantur gaudio et Spiritu sancto. In Graeco habet: Discipuli autem, ut intellegamus Judaeis fidem persequentibus, discipulos e contrario spiritali gaudio ditatos’. As the edition shows, this passage is identical with other manuscripts: Bedae Venerabilis Opera. Pars II: Opera exegetica, ed. by Roger Gryson, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, 121 (Turnhout, 1983), pp. 63–64. Even if Raban’s version differs only in using ‘spreverint’ (Patrologia Latina, 110, col. 278A), other traditions have possibly been used as templates as well.

85. See hom. II, nos 24, 31.

86. Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, i, 380; Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, ii, 17.

87. See serm. I, nos 1, 2, 5, 9, 10, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 26, 36, 40, and serm. II, nos 43, 44.

88. For a location of the named manuscripts, see Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, i, 38; Spilling, Das Fuldaer Skriptorium zur Zeit des Rabanus Maurus, p. 180; Günter Glauche, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die Pergamenthandschriften aus dem Domkapitel Freising, Bd. 1: Clm 6201–6316, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Bibliothecae Monacensis, 3, Ser. nov. Ps. 2.1 (Wiesbaden, 2000), p. 170. Clm 6298 might have been produced in Würzburg as well; see Katharina Bierbrauer, ‘IV/9 Caesarius von Arles, Homilien’, in 794 – Karl der Grosse in Frankfurt am Main. Ein König bei der Arbeit. Ausstellung zum 1200-Jahre-Jubiläum der Stadt Frankfurt am Main vom 18. Mai 1994 bis 28. August 1994, ed. by Johannes Fried (Sigmaringen, 1994), pp. 76–77; Katharina Bierbrauer, Die vorkarolingischen und karolingischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek: Textband (Wiesbaden, 1990), p. 110; Andreas Weiner, Die Initialornamentik der deutsch-insularen Schulen im Bereich von Fulda, Würzburg und Mainz, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Bistums und Hochstifts Würzburg, 43 (Würzburg, 1992), pp. 49–52, 146–51.

89. See Konrad Wiedemann, Manuscripta theologica: Die Handschriften in Oktav, Die Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, Landesbibliothek und Murhardsche Bibliothek der Stadt Kassel, 1.3 (Wiesbaden, 2002), pp. 8–9.

90. See Bierbrauer, Die vorkarolingischen und karolingischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, p. 110.

91. Ordered after their occurrence, these are the following homilies (those in italics are also used by Raban): nos 187, 188, 219, 222, 192f., 199, 89, 91, 100, 117, 130, 200, 147, 202, 201, 204, 170, 207, 148, 208, 144, 146, 143, 210, 33, 216, 230, 232, 221, 55, 16, 50.

92. See http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/∼db/0004/bsb00047251/images/index.html?fip=193.174.98.30&seite=10&pdfseitex= (accessed 22.08.2108).

93. See Patrologia Latina, 110, col. 10B.

94. See Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 6298, fol. 3^vb.

95. See Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 10C–11A.

96. See serm. II, nos 60, 62. For a description of the manuscript, see Lotte Kurras, Die deutschen mittelalterlichen Handschriften. Teil 1: Die literarischen und religiösen Handschriften (Wiesbaden, 1974), pp. 44–45.

97. For the paste down endpapers, see http://dlib.gnm.de/item/Hs4486a/2/html (accessed 22.08.2018), and http://dlib.gnm.de/item/Hs4486a/79/html (accessed 22.08.2018).

98. The quotations are to be found in Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 118B–C (serm. II. 62) and cols 112D–13C (serm. II. 60). The quoted passages are identical with Cassiani De institutis coenobiorum, ed. by Michael Petschenig and Gottfried Kreuz, Corpus Christianorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, 17 (Vienna, 2004), book VII, p. 145, ll. 14–25, book VIII, pp. 163, ll. 17–23, 162, ll. 20–26, 163, ll. 23–164, l. 13.

99. The Bloomington manuscript contains book II, chapter 234–35. The Oslo manuscript contains book I, chapter 2–4, but Raban quoted another passage in serm. II, no. 46.

100. See serm. I, nos 9, 31, 34, 37, 38; serm. II, nos 56, 57, 60, 62; hom. I, nos 61, 66; hom. II, nos 4, 6.

101. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, i, 380.

102. Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, ii, 380.

103. See http://orka.bibliothek.uni-kassel.de/viewer/image/1343813705669/1/ (accessed 22.08.2018). The text contains the passage beginning with ‘De se ergo loquentibus’ (Patrologia Latina, 76, col. 1182C) until ‘Pueri, nunquid pulmentarium habetis’ (Patrologia Latina, 76, col. 1184A).

104. Raban quoted the passage until ‘sed ut proprios recipiat ad regnum’ (Patrologia Latina, 110, col. 145C).

105. The following cases are of similar quality: (1. Raban / 2. Kassel fragment): ‘exhibuit’ (Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 144C–D) / ‘exibuit’; ‘luti’ (144D) / ‘luci’; ‘hi’ (144D) / ‘hii’; ‘colligitur’ (145A) / ‘collegitur’; ‘sacrae’ (145A) / ‘sacre’; ‘jam’ (145A) / ‘iam’; ‘Hospes’ (145B) / ‘Hospis’; ‘quotidie’ (145B) / ‘cotidie’; ‘ejus’ (145B) / ‘eius’; ‘Caeteris’ (145C) / ‘Ceteris’; ‘suscipitur’ (145C) / ‘suscepitur’; ‘requirit’ (145C) / ‘requerit’; ‘suscipite’ (145C) / ‘suscipete’; ‘suscipi’ (145C) / ‘suscepi’.

106. Besides, the parallel texts differ, as Raban added ‘sibi’, but the following word ‘in’ is omitted (144D), ‘deum’ and ‘enim’ (145A) as well as ‘hinc’ (145B) added, and ‘membra sua sucipitur’ instead of ‘membra suscepitur sua’ (145C). Due to a lacuna in the text (fol. 1^ra) it is not possible to decide whether the Kassel fragment reads ‘et coegerunt’ (145A) – as Raban did – or only ‘coegerunt’. There are also further differences, when Raban speaks to the ‘Charissimi fratres’ (145A), but within the fragment the ‘fratres karissimi’ are addressed (fol. 1^rb), when Raban uses ‘urceum’ (145B) instead of ‘uscium’ (fol. 1^va), or when he changes ‘nocte ei Dominus’ (fol. 1^va) to ‘dominus nocte ei’ (145B). Between ‘susceptores suos’ (145C) the fragment also added ‘ergo’ (fol. 1^va).

107. See the information by Cantelli Berarducci, Hrabani Mauri opera exegetica.

108. See Isidore of Seville, De ecclesiasticis officiis, ed. by Christopher M. Lawson, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, 113 (Turnhout, 1989), book XLII, book I. xxiv. 1–11, xxv. 6–21, and Raban, serm. I, no. 41 (Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 76C–D). The passage present in the Basel manuscript F III 15c is however Isidore, De ecclesiasticis officiis, lib. I. i. 1–xi. 3.

109. Raban quoted Jerome’s commentary on the book of Isaiah in hom. I, nos 33, 75, 77.

110. For its origin, see Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, i, 275.

111. Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, i, 275.

112. Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, i, 275.

113. The commentary on Matthew was used by Raban in hom. I, no. 43 and hom. II, nos 26, 93, 112, 124. Besides, he quoted twice Jerome’s Easter sermon (Non queo quod mente concipio) in serm. II, no. 17 and Jerome’s In Ioelem prophetam in hom. II, nos 86, 88. There is hitherto no known manuscript from Fulda that contains one of these texts.

114. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, i, 280.

115. The fragment Fulda, Hessische Staatsbibliothek, Fragm. 1 is identical with Hieronymus, Commentariorum in Mathaeum libri IV, ed. by David Hurst and Marc Adriaen, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, 77 (Turnhout, 1969), pp. 24–26, and Patrologia Latina, 26, p. 35f. The manuscript from the Hessian State Archive at Marburg contains Jerome’s text Commentariorum in Mathaeum libri IV, pp. 153–54, 156–58, and Patrologia Latina, 26, pp. 126f., 129, 131, 133–34, while Marburg, Hessisches Staatsarchiv, charter Hersfeld 1312 Oct. 16, contains a passage from Hieronymus, Commentariorum in Mathaeum libri IV, pp. 68–69, or Patrologia Latina, 26, pp. 65–67. But Raban quoted the following passages for the commentary on Matthew: Patrologia Latina, 26, pp. 52–53 (hom. I, no. 43, Jena, Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. 32, fol. 47^v), Patrologia Latina, 26, pp. 56–57, 59 (hom. II, no. 26, Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 192B–93B), Patrologia Latina, 26, pp. 76–80 (hom. II, no. 124, Patrologia Latina, 110., cols 383A–84B), Patrologia Latina, 26, p. 139 (hom. II, no. 112, Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 356D–57A), Patrologia Latina, 26, pp. 145–46 (hom. II, no. 93, Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 323B–24B). The fragmentary tradition of the commentary on Isaiah comprises these passages: Hieronymus, Commentariorum in Esaiam libri I–XI, ed. by Marc Adriaen, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, 73 (Turnhout, 1963), pp. 311–12 (= book VII. xxiii), 340–41 (= VIII. xxvi), 485–86 (= XII. xlii), 488 (XI. xxxviii–XII. xliii). Apart from some quotations taken from Jerome’s commentary on Isaiah, which are to be found in some other works by Raban, but which are not included in the passages of the fragments named above, Raban used it four times in three sermons in his collection for Lothar: hom. I, no. 33 quotes Jerome, Commentariorum in Esaiam, book IV. xii. 2–19, 4–11, hom. I, no. 75 quotes book XI. xxxviii. 1, 3. 1–4, 8. 50, hom. I, no. 77 quotes book XVI. lviii.

116. See Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 63D–64A. Cf. Sulpice Sévère, Vie de Saint Martin, ed. by Jacques Fontaine, Sources Chrétiennes, 133, 3 vols (Paris 1967–69), i (1967), 256, 258, chap. III. 1–3. After the quotation an extensive orientation on the life of St Martin can be found (esp., chapter III. 2–3 and Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 64A–65A).

117. See Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften, i, 378; Gugel, Welche erhaltenen mittelalterlichen Handschriften, i, 38.

118. See also note 108.

119. It is for example also the case in these manuscripts: Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, H 224 inf.; Brescia, Biblioteca Queriniana A. VII. 13; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, lat. 5325. See also Sulpice Sévère, Vie de Saint Martin 1, p. 256.

120. Sulpice Sévère, Vie de Saint Martin 1, p. 256.

121. See Capitula episcoporum, Teil 1, ed. by Peter Brommer, MGH Capitula Episcoporum, 1 (Hannover, 1984), p. 121, ll. 1–7: ‘quia in eo deus lucem condidit, in eo manna in heremo pluit, in eo redemptor humani generis sponte pro salute nostra mortuus resurrexit, in eo spiritum sanctum super discipulos infudit, tanta esse debet observantia, ut praeter orationes et missarum sollemnia et ea, quae ad vescendum pertinent, nihil aliud fiat. Nam etsi necessitas fuerit navigandi sive iterandi, licentia datur, ita dumtaxat, ut hac occasione missae et orationes non praetermittantur.’ Raban quoted this passage within serm. II, no. 66 (Patrologia Latina, 110, cols 126D–27A).

122. See serm. II, nos 65–67.

123. See note 54.

124. Brommer, Capitula episcoporum, Teil 1, p. 121, l. 1.

125. As Raban only at this place quoted Theodulf’s capitular, no other references are to be verified.

126. Brommer, Capitula episcoporum, Teil 1, p. 121, ll. 2–3.

127. See Mark 6. 14, 16; Acts 10. 41; i Corinthians 15. 12, 20.

128. This is the manuscript Clm 14508, that is now to be found at the Bavarian State Library in Munich. See also Hubert Mordek, Bibliotheca capitularium regum Francorum manuscripta. Überlieferung und Traditionszusammenhang der fränkischen Herrschererlasse, MGH Hilfsmittel, 15 (Munich, 1995), pp. 339–42; Brommer, Capitula episcoporum, Teil 1, pp. 11, 85. For the textual deviation, see Brommer, Capitula episcoporum, Teil 1, p. 121.

129. Brommer, Capitula episcoporum, Teil 1, p. 12, 1. 3.

130. Brommer, Capitula episcoporum, Teil 1, p. 121, ll. 4–5 and Patrologia Latina, 110, col. 146D.

131. Brommer, Capitula episcoporum, Teil 1, p. 121, l. 5.

132. It is translated into German the same way: Karl Ernst Georges, ‘itero, avi, atum’, in Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch, ed. by Karl Ernst Georges, 8th edn, 2 vols (Hannover 1918; repr. 1998), ii (1918) 472–73.

133. Apparently Raban’s local library did not have all the literature that he needed. This was probably no exception, as Rosamond McKitterick has shown that Paul the Deacon also went to several libraries to prepare his homiliary. See Rosamond McKitterick, ‘Cambridge, Corpus Christi College MS 334 and its Implications: A Source for Paul the Deacon’s Homiliary’, in Sermo Doctorum. Compilers, Preachers, and their Audiences in the Early Medieval West, ed. by Max Diesenberger, Sermo, 9 (Turnhout, 2013), pp. 187–202.

134. A detailed study of the literature used for preparing these sermons will be part of my Habilitationsschrift, which also includes a comparison with the sources for the other sermon collections from the Carolingian Age mentioned above.